The Journal of John Jourdain, 1608-1617

About this text

Introductory notes

The Journal of John Jourdain was first published in 1905. It was written by John Jourdain and edited by William Foster. William Foster was a knighted historian. He was born in 1863. He was a part of the Hakluyt Society as well as the Superintendent of Records of the Indian office. Foster passed away in 1951. The Journal of John Jourdain describes the travails of a captain under the East India Company from 1608 to 1617. One gets to know of the various kind of objects that the British were able to access in the course of their journey through the sub continent. Primary Reading Foster William, The Journal of John Jourdain, The Hakluyt Society. Secondary Reading Fryke Christopher, Voyages to the East Indies,Volume 2, Asian Educational Services.

The Hakluyt Society.





EDITED BY WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A., Editor of 'The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Great Mogul,' 'Letters Received by the East India Company, 1615-17,' etc.

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[Ornamental foliage design.]

1. A JOURNALL kept by JOHN JOURDAIN in a voiage for the EAST INDIES sett fourth by the Honourable Companie of Merchants trading the same, in Anno 1607 [[1608]], in two good shipps, namely the ASSENTION and UNION. Wherein goeth Generall Alexander Sharpeigh, and Vice-Admirall Captaine Richard Rolls; Maister, Phillipp Grove. The which voiag God blesse and prosper. Began att the Downes neere SANDWICH the 23th of March, anno 1607 [[1608]]. With an addition of all my travails after the casting awaie of the Assention untill Anno 1617 of any worthy the writtinge.

2. The start of the voyage.

March 29. We came into Plymoth Sounde aboute ten of the clocke in the forenoone, where the Generall, captaine, merchants and maister went aland to buy needfull provision [Page 2] which was wantinge abord the Union, as fyshes for mastes and tymber to make a halfe decke for the Union etc.

March 30. The Generall and myselfe, after we had supped, came abord, the wind beinge fayre. We came late to hasten the rest which were aland; Captaine Roles being gone some six myles out of the towne.


Aprill 12. We had the wind at S.W.; soe that we could not fetch the iland of Tenerife, but stood close uppon a tacke for the Grand Canaria. The wind being more westerley, thy[[s]] daye in the eveninge about nine of the clocke we ancored a good distance of the roade of the Grand Canaria before the towne.

3.1. What passed at the Gran Canarias.


Aprill 13. We shott a peece for a boate, and presently came of a messenger from the Governor to knowe what we were, and what we demaunded. Our Generall willed me to tell them that our comminge was for fresh water, and to buy some wine for our money; and to the same effect our Generall, understandinge of English marchants which were leigers on land, wrote to them to acquainte the Governor with soe much; which the Governor under- [Page 3] standing, sent for Mr. Hassard, an Englishman there resident, to knowe what the letter did import which was sent; who answered that we demaunded some eight butts of wine for our money and some water for our provision. The Governor, understanding what we desyred, sent presently the sayd Hassarde abord with a letter from the Governor, which was to this effect, vizt.—that yf yt pleased our Generall to come nearer into the roade, where all shipps (that are in amitie with the King his maister) doth use to ride, that then he would doe us all the kindnes that in him laye; otherwise he could not graunt us any favour att all. In answer thereof the Generall caused me to write a letter to the Governor in his name; the contents vizt.—that our comming thether was not to any evill intent, but only to take a quantety of water and some wyne; wherein yf he would favour us for our money, we should be behoulding unto him; yf not, that he would be pleased to send us word to the contrarye, that we might not make any more delay but follow our voyage etc.


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Aprill 15. Our Generall, accordinge to promise, caused our shipps to sett sayle, and came to anker in fourteen fathom water, betwixt the fort and the cyttye; and this day Mr. Revet, one of the merchannts, came abord, and brought word that we should have both wyne and water, or anythinge els that wee wanted; and presently retourned aland.


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[...]visitt our shipps for the better satysfaction of the people of the countrye, who doubted of us to be Hollanders, who had not longe before sacked their towne. And this daye had from the shore eight pypes of wyne (vizt., four abord the Unyon and four abord the Assention) with a present of our [[their?]] cuntry fruites to our Generall.


Aprill 20. We had sight of four carvailes, which we supposed to be bound for Cape Blanco or a fishinge. When they sawe us they altred their course; and wee stood our course as before at S.W. & by S. And this daye we observed, and were in 26 deg. 40 mi.


Aprill 25. ...We demaunded of the maister of the Unyon in what lattitude he founde [[himselfe?]] and howe the Ile of Sally was of him. He answered that yt bare S.W.Westerly, he beinge in 18d. odd minitts, and per observacion [[we?]] were 17d. 59m. And this night we tooke in our maynsayle, because we would not overshute the Ile of Boavista, where the Generall determyned to touch, to take in water and other refreshinge for our fyrst spendinge.


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Aprill 27. We had sight of another iland, which all the doctors made to be the Ile of Boavista untill we came soe neare the shore that we might allmost discerne the salt pitts of Mayo; then they knewe yt to be the same, as soone as they sawe the heapes of salt. Soe about three of the clocke in the afternoone we ankored in [[blank]] fathom water, good ground.

Aprill 28. Our Generall sent our longe boate aland with 20 men, with two marchants to conduct them, with soe many more out of the Unyon. And cominge on land they sawe three or four Negros, and spake to them in Portuges; who tould them that fourteen sayle of Flemyngs had been there some two monthes before, bound for the East Indias. Soe they retourned agayne abord, [Page 7] with a company of leane carren goates dryed, but could find noe water.

Aprill 29. The longe boate retorned aland, and the Generall sent me in her to speake with the Negros to knowe of them where the water was; but before our cominge they were gone, and would not come to speake with us any more. Soe we retourned abord with some 30 more of the leane goates; with much trouble to gett agayne into the boate, the sea beinge rysen with a greate suffe neare the shore, verye dangerous for landinge.

Aprill 30. Our Generall called a councell as conserninge the proseedinge in our voyage without water, havinge suffycient to carry us to the Cape, yf yt please God to send us any resonable passage. The Unyon (who most wanted) had in her some 20 tonnes of water, 20 tonnes of beare, besydes wine and syder in good plentye. In this councell there was a complaint made by the captayne of the Unyon that the maister and some other of his shipp had abused his aucthorytye; which being examyned was found to be of noe great consequence, and therefore putt of untill our meeting the next daye.

May 1. The captayne and the maister of the Unyon, with the marchaunts, retourned againe abord, where they were made freinds. And in this counsell yt was determyned to proseede with what water we had towardes the Cape; but first to romage in hould some two or three dayes, to bringe all things in order, and soe in the name of God to departe.


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May 5. We had the wind at N.E., somtymes calme, and wee stood our course att S.S.E. and S. & by E. amonge. At night yt fell calme, with much raine and thunder and much wind by puffs in the showers. This daye we had sight of a great shipp some two leagues to windward of us, which we judge to be some Portugall bound for Brazill. Having observed, wee were in 13 degrees 15 minitts of lattitude.

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May 26. ...This daye the Generall, merchants and maister were invited abord the Unyon, where we dyned and supped; where shootinge a peece for our welcome, the gonners mate not sponginge the peece after the first shott, and another goinge to charge the peece agayne, tooke fyre of the powder and blewe awaye an arme of him that went to loade the peece, whereof he dyed.



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June 10. Captain Rolles with the merchants of the Unyon retourned agayne abord our shippe to conferre concerninge the carricke; where yt was concluded to write a letter with complements to the captain; which the Generall caused me to write in his name and carrye yt to him; which I did accordinglye. And att my cominge abord, the captain of the carricke came to the shipps syde with many courteous complements, and sent his boatson into our boate with wyne, frute and marmylad with other sweete meates. In the meane tyme he wrote an answere to the Generalls letter, which was that he gave him many thankes for his kind message: that he wanted nothinge, [Page 10] neither could hee keepe company with any: but yf the Generall would keepe him companye, he intreated that he would keepe farther of from him by night. For that the last night, most of our company havinge itchinge fyngers, came soe neare them that we were lyke to board them; which was donne onlye to pyke a quarrell with them, to see yf they would shoote att us, that we might have occasion to deale with them; which in my judgment we should have had a crowe to pull to take her, for she had 300 soldiars, besydes saylors and passengers; as they tould me that they had 800 persons in her. Soe after that the Generall had receaved his letter, we gave them three peeces to salute them, and soe stood our course E.S.E.; and the carreck stoode more easterlye. This daye att noone we weare in 23d. 42m.


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Julye 4. ...This daye we sawe a sayle to windward of us, who soone came up with us; and having a fresh gale wee hailed them, and we understood that yt was a Holland pynnace that was bound with advice to the fleete, beinge three monthes since he came out. In the eveninge, better of sayle then us, he left our companye and stoode his course towardes the Cape. This daye at noone we weare in 34d. 12m.

Julye 5. We had the wind as the daye before, and wee stood away E. and E. & by N. amonge, with a styffe gale. This daye at noone we had lattitude 33d. 50m. And this daye came abord Captain Rolles, the merchants and maister of the Unyon, and tould the Generall he had many men sicke of the scurvie downe and many others infected; and understandinge that we were not determyned to putt in for the Cape, sayd that yf the Generall putt alonge and touched not att the Cape that they would goe to their cabins and dye, for they knewe that they weare butt dead men. Soe the Generall takeinge informacion howe many men they had sicke, and the necessitie in puttinge in, having caused a counsell to be held, yt was agreed to stoppe there to sett upp our pinnace , considering the [Page 12] necessitie of the sicke men, and Mr. Grove affirminge that yt was a farre better place for refreshinge and to sett upp our pinnace then St. Augustine, where we were determyned to stopp. Soe yt was concluded to putt in att Saldana; our companye of the Assention being all lustye and well, God be thanked. At that tyme we accompted ourselves to be short of Saldana about 120 leagues.


Julye 12.


[...]This night we had some raine and gusts.


Julye 14. We had sight of land E.S.E. of us, by judgment about 15 leagues short of yt. With the wind at West and W. & by S., we steard awaye East and E. & by S. and E.S.E. amonge, untill five in the afternoone, beinge by judgment in the full lattitude of Saldana, we steared in E.N.E. and E. & by N.; and about midnight, havinge perfectlye made the Table and other heigh land with the moone light, wee ankored in the baye of Saldana (God be praysed for yt) in eight fathom water, in companye with the Unyon, who ankored in halfe an hower after.

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3.2. What passed in the tyme of our beinge att Saldana, with a discription of the cuntrye.


Havinge mored our shippe, the next daye, beinge the 15th, our Generall with the merchants and maisters went aland to seeke fresh victualls and a convenyent place to sett upp our pynnace. And cominge aland we found aboute twenty people or more (of the cuntrye) in lyttle symple cottages made with bowes, better to keepe them from the sonne then from the raigne, which this cuntrye doth afford in plentye. To theise people we made signes for cattle and sheepe; which by our signes they understoode us, and makeinge shewe (as wee understoode them) within three dayes; which was effected att the tyme, we showing them iron hoopes, which is the best money which they doe esteeme. In the interim our Generall caused tents to be sett up for the carpenters, and landed the pinnace which was brought out of England, to sett her upp. And vewing over the stones where the shipps that are bound outward or homeward doe use to sett their names, where we found the names of Captain Keelling, Captain Hawkens, Captain Myddleton and divers others, beinge passed towards the Indies, vizt. Captain Myddleton in July, 1607, and Captain Keelinge the moneth of December ditto anno.

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The people of the cuntrye seinge us to sett upp our tents, they removed householde and went halfe a myle farther into the woods with their famelye. And yt seemes that they gave notice to the rest of the cuntrye people of our cominge, for that within shorte tyme wee had stoore of sheepe and other cattle brought dayelye to us, which wee bought, vizt. a cowe for a peece of an ould iron hoope of a yard longe, and a sheepe for halfe soe much. And many tymes, havinge sould them to us, yf we looked not the better to them, they would steale them agayne from us and bringe them agayne to sell; which we were fayne with patience to buy agayne of them, without givinge any foule language, for feare least they would bringe us noe more. As lykewyse yf they stole any thinge, yf yt weare of smale valewe, wee would not meddle with them butt suffer them to carry yt awaye; which they tooke verye kindly, in soe much that they brought such plentye downe, more then wee were able to tell what to doe withall. Yett we refused noone, for feare lesse in soe doinge they would bringe noe more.


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[...]Assention and two out of the Unyon, the better to prevent myscheife or assault that might be offred by those heathen people; and to that purpose we made a bulwarke with earth, and in everye corner there was placed a falcon, for feare of assaulte by night to burne our pynnace when she should be ended. But we could not perceave that they gave any such attempt, because we gave them as much content as in us lay. For in the interim of the building our pinnace, our Generall sent our boates to an iland called Pe[[n]]guin Iland, lying at the entrance of the bay, to fetch seales, alias seawolves, to give them content, and partly to renew our store of oyle, which wee had leaked out; having on this iland such great quantitie of those fishes, that within lesse then a day a man might lade a good shipp with them. And having brought our boates laden with these scales, we cutt the fatt from them for oyle, and the rest was throwne a good distannce from the tents because of noysomnes; upon which fish the Saldanians fed very hartilie on, after it had lyen in a heape 15 daies, that noe Christian could abide to come within a myle of itt. Notwithstandinge the loathsomnes of the smell, these people would eate of it as if it had bene better meate, and would not take of that which laye upon the topp, which were the sweetest, but would search under for those which were most rotten, and laye it on the coales without any ceremonyes of washinge; and beeinge a little scorched with the fire, would eate it with a good stomacke; in soe much that my opinion is that if without danger they could come to eate mans flesh, they would not make any scruple of it, for that I think the world doth not yeild a more heathenish people and more beastlie.

Off these kinde of people and there behaviour I neede not to write, because it is sufficientlie knowne to many of [Page 16] our countrymen; as alsoe the iland from whence these seales are brought, called Penguin Iland, because there is on that iland a kinde of fowle called by that name, which hath noe feathers, which are soe naturallie simple that you maye drive them as you would doe a flocke of sheepe; in soe much that I sawe some of our men to drive a good quantitye of them into our boate, haveinge laied a board from the boate to the strand; which wee carryed to the mayne to give content to the Saldanians, they much rejoysinge at our comeinge, makinge a greate feast amongst themselves for the penguins. On this iland wee found some 20 sheepe which had bene lefte by the Hollanders, as we perceaved by a writeinge lefte in a tyneinge platter; which sheepe were the fattest that ever I sawe. Wee tooke the sheepe and left at our departure other in leiu of them, with five cowes and a bull to increase. This iland will make the leanest sheepe that wee cann chuse to bee fatt within one monneth, as per experyence of our time of beeinge there wee made profe; putting sheepe on the iland at our first comeinge, and within the time aforesaid weare very fatt; which seemed to mee very strange, seeinge that there was noe good feedinge for them, onlie wild hearbs and longe grasse, and noe fresh water.

Alsoe within a river half a mile distannt from the waterringe place wee tooke much fishe with our saine, att one draught above 300 fishes of 1 1/2 foote longe and more, lyke a breame, very good fish; not any formerlye knowne to bee taken in this river; which fishe att all [Page 17] tymes when our companie were desirous to eate fishe, wee went and tooke within twoe howers as much as both the ships could eate in a daye. And at the rivers mouth at our comeinge away where wee waterred wee took 3,500 mulletts at twoe draughtes, which served us well in our voyage. And in my opinion the reason whie there was much store of fishe at this tyme was because the baye in 15 daies before was full of whales playinge on the water, which the fishe did shunne and came neere the shoare, where the whale could not come at them.

Our time beinge longe at Saldania by reason of settinge upp our pinnace, haveinge little buysines, for recreation my selfe with other of the marchannts would take our walke to the topp of the hill called the Table, which before wee retourned found it to bee a wearysome journey. And beinge on the topp of the Table wee des[[c]]ryed to the northward as it seemed to us a harbour, and that the sea entred into lande; which the next daye, haveinge leave of the Generall, my selfe with ten persons more, well armed, went by the rivers side untill wee came to the place supposed to be a harbour; but when wee came at it wee soone perceaved yt to bee but a standinge poole of two miles or more aboute, not above a fathome water, beinge fresh water which came from the mountaynes when it raigned, the sea comeinge neere it but entered not, but upon a storme. This water out of this poole or pond runneth into the river where wee take our fish, and from thence takes his issue into the sea; which is the reason that the water of this river is brackish and not salte, notwithstandinge the sea floweth daylie into it, that weare it not for the fresh water which cometh out of the mountaines it would bee as salte as the sea. It is to bee understoode [Page 18] that this river is a mile from the place where the ships doe water; that beinge very fresh and good, proceeding from divers springes, which cometh from the mountaynes. In this jorney up the river wee sawe many estreges and the footinge of elaphaunts, much fish and fowle etc.

Although I have beene over tedyous aboute this place, which is soe well knowne to dyvers of our nation, yet seeinge it is but my labour to write, and at the readers courtesie to thinke as hee pleases, therefore I will not omitt breiflie to shewe my opinion concerninge this place of Saldania, which I hould to bee very healthfull and comodious for all that trade the East Indyes. As alsoe if it were manured, I am of opinion that it would beare any thinge that should bee sowen or planted in it, as for all kinde of graine, wheate, barlye &c., besides all kinde of fruite, as orenges, lemons, limes and grapes, &c. Beinge planted and sowne in due time, and kept as it ought to bee, if this countrye were inhabited by a civell nation, haveinge a castle or forte for defence against the outrage of those heathenish people and to withstand any forraine force, in shorte time it might bee brought to some civillitie, and within fewe yeares able of it selfe to furnish all shipps refreshinge, for the countrye at present doth abound with fishe and flesh in greate plentie; with [[while?]] manie kinde of good heaps [[of]] stonns to build are at hand; onely timber wil{ }be somewhat tedious in fetchinge, which is aboute three miles of; but if the cattle of the countrye were used to drawe, as in other countryes (which they may easilie bee brought unto), it would not seeme soe tedious. Nowe howe necessarie this place would bee for [Page 19] shippinge to refresh their sicke men, both out and home, I leave it to your better judgments. Though the refreshinge of shipps travailinge the East Indyes bee very comodious, yet there is other hopes to bee expected out of this mayne countrye in future tyme, viz. first, these people beinge brought to civilitie may likewise in tyme bee brought to knowe God, and understand our language, and wee theirs, and by them learne of other trades which maye bee within the countrye ; this beinge in the middest of two rich countries, as Ginnee and Moseambique, and noe doubt but here are store of elaphaunts teeth within the land, for that wee sawe the footinge of many. If all this faile, yet lampe oyle and hides will bee had and scales skinns, to free some parte of the charge in the meane time. Thus much concerninge this place of Saldania, where wee weare settinge up our pinnace and refreshinge us from the 14 of Julie to the 16th (sic) of September: which haveinge lanched the pinnace, and made John Lufkin master and putt into her three monneths victualls with other necessaries, and named her the Good Hope, wee came aboard, makinge us readye to sett saile.


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[...]toppsailes and bonnetts; at which tyme the Unyon came up with us and putt out her antient upon the poope, which signe wee knewe not the meaninge, neyther could wee understand what they said, but we suspected that it was some maste crackt. This night there blewe soe much winde with an over growne sea that wee were faine to lye a hull with our mizen. The Union staied with her mayne course and the pinnace hard by us; yet this night wee lost companie of the Union and pinnace.

Sept. 21. Much winde at S.S.E. And aboute eight in the morninge wee sett our fore course and wee ste[[ered a]]way at S. & by West and S.S.W. Haveinge lost companie of our consortes, wee bare little saile to staie for them, thinkinge that they had bene astarne us. And seeinge them not to come, wee sett more saile, supposinge that they ranne from us of purpose, for that wee kept lightes all the nightes before. And this night the storme beganne againe more then the other night paste, that wee tooke in all saveinge our forecourse. With that wee steered awaie all night S. & by West, the winde at S.E. by S. and S.S.East. Towards the morninge wee had lesse winde and more easterlye.


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October 1. ...Aboute eleven this daye wee had sight of land aboute seven leagues of us, supposinge it to bee Baya Formosa; at which time wee tacked aboute and sounded, butt found noe ground; and then wee steered awaye S. & by West. At six in the eveninge the winde came at E.S.E., a fresh gale, and wee steered away N.E. Raynie weather.

Oct. 2. In the morninge the winde N.E. and N.E. & by E., and wee stoode our course S.E. & by S. and S.E. This daye wee had sight againe of land, which bare of W.N.W. At noone per observation 33d. 30 minutes.


Oct. 4. ...This daye at noone wee had againe sight of land, bearinge N. & by East of us. In the afternoone some darke weather and raine. Wee seeinge the land to trend away as wee went N.E. & by E., then wee tacked and stoode S. & by East. Little winde all night.


Oct. 7. ...Much winde, that wee shortned our saile and tooke of our bonnetts, beinge very foggie weather and raine, in which the winde came northerlie, unconstant and variable; little winde.



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Oct. 27.


[...]Wee sawe many fires on the mountaines this night, beinge a lowe land by the waterside, and soe risinge highe towards the mountaynes.



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Nov. 10. The winde in the morninge began to blowe hard betwixt the S. and the S.W., and wee steered E.N.E. Aboute ten in the morninge much thunder, with clowdye weather, little winde; at which time there arose three spoutes within a myle round aboute us, which made us to take in all our sayles, except our fore saile to steere before it, if any of these spouts chanced to come at us; but it pleased God that they came by us very neere butt hurte us not. All this daye after wee had the winde variable, and wee steered as the winde would permitt us. These spouts weare at the breakinge up of the westerley monsonne: for in six months after we had never but easterly winde and faire weather.



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Nov. 24. Beeinge neere unto the shoare of Comora, our Generall caused the skiffe to be manned (the winde beeinge calme, that wee could not gett in with our shipp), sent her towards the shoare, where there weare many people, which made signes to our men to come on land; butt our men, seeinge canoes a fishinge, went to speake with them, and would have had them come aboard our shipp; which they refused, but told them that there was noe water to bee had on that iland, there drinke beeinge for the most parte the water of coker nutts. The skiffe returned aboute noone, at which time wee had some rayne, with a little gale at south. Wee stood alonge the iland. Wee found a current settinge S.W.

Nov. 25. In the morninge wee weare aboute a myle from a baye betwixt twoe mountaines. The skiffe was sent to sound to see whether there weare anchoringe for our shipp within the baye; whoe shortlie retorned with twoe of the countrye people, which they brought against their wills, whoe enformed us that there was little water or good wood on that iland, and for ankoring there was 30 fathome within muskett shott of the shoare. These twoe men which were brought aboard our Generall entreated kindlie, and gave some toyes of little worth and sufferred them to departe in their canoa, tellinge us that aboute annother pointe there was water to bee had. Soe determyninge to have gone thither, the winde fell calme, soe that wee weare not able to gett aboute the pointe; and, our boate towinge us ahead, wee came to anker within the baye in 20 fathome water, good ground, butt soe neere the shoalds that our shipp had scarcelie scope enough to [Page 25] wend up, wee ridinge within a mile of the shoare; and many people upon the shoare makinge signes for us to come aland; which beeinge late we could not effect this night.

3.3. Our enterteynement att the Iland of Comora.


Nov. 26. The next daye the Generall sent the skiffe againe on land well mande, wherein went the maister, whoe spake with some of the people by the water side out of the boate, but landed not; but they tould him there was butt little water, but what their countrie did affoard wee should have; and with that awnsweare the pinnace retourned with the maister. And the same daye the two men that went from the shipp the daie before sent some hens aboard, and some of the people of the countrye brought coquer nutts and some goats to sell, which were bought for pintados. And the same daye, being the 26, the Generall determyned to send the long boate and pinnace both aland with a present for the Kinge; which aboute ten in the forenoone it was effected, the maister, my selfe, and Mr. Glascocke goinge in the pinnace, and the longe boate hard by us, manned with small shott upon any occasion, for wee did hardlye trust their faire words. Butt when wee came to the shoare, those which were desirous to have the creditt to carrie the present, seeinge so manie people armed on the land, had noe greate stomacke to goe aland. Soe wee demanded pledges before any of us would land. Amonge those which came neere the boate there was one that could understand Portugues; to whome I desired to bring us pledges to staye in the boate, and twoe of us would land. Hee awnswered that he would first acquainte [Page 26] the Kinge; which hee had soone effected, and retorned and brought twoe pledges with him into our boate; and I went aland alone with the present. Others which were appointed to goe in that buysines made excuses; whether their harts failed, or seeinge soe many people on the strand, I knowe not; but I was faine to goe with the present to the Kinges pallace, which was halfe a mile from the place wheare wee landed, a most confused waye to goe unto, beeinge narrowe crooked wayes. Butt in fine I was permitted [[admitted?]] to the Kinges presence, whoe was sittinge on the ground without the gate of his howse, with a companie of antient old men with their beards as white as snowe. The fellowe that spake a little Portugues gave mee to understand that they weare his noble men and counsellars. I approached neare unto him and offred him the present in the Generalls name; which he would not vouchsafe to touch with his hand, but cawsed his men to take it; and therewith offred forth his hand as though he would have mee to kisse it, whereat I bowed my selfe accordinge to the Turkisse manner. And for the present hee gave noe greate thanks, nether would he vouchsafe to looke on it as longe as I was in presence. He caused mee to sitt downe upon the grasse hard by him, and by his interpretour demanded what our desire was; whereto I awnswered that our desire was to have wood and water, with some other refreshinge what his countrye did affoard, for our money. Then he demanded what countrye men wee weare; which when he knewe he bid us welcome into his countrye, and that he was sorrie that there was butt little wood and water neere thereaboute, but such as was wee should make bould with all, or any other thinge whatt- [Page 27] soever his country did affoard. He demanded of me for the Generall, desiringe to see him. I tould him that the Generall would be glad to see him aboard our shipp, whether if it pleased him to goe I would remayne pledge a shoare for him. He seemed willinge, and went as farre as the waters side, wheare our boats weare; but when he came there his minde was altered by those which weare about him, and entreated to send the boats aboard for the Generall, and he would staie by the waters side with me untill his comeinge; which I excused as well as I could for that time, and wee parted with many complements. Hee had in his companie aboute fifty grave ould men, which weare his nobles, with a good guard besides; their weopons greate knives made with a round edge, like the fishermens choppinge knives which they use to cutt fishe in Portugall, very keene and bright. The Kinge was apparrelled after the Turkish manner, with a tucke upon his heade, and a shorte coate of scarlett cloth. I surmise that the Kinge doth understand Portugues, for that at my first comeinge to him he bid me welcome, sayinge 'Ben vemde, Sor'; but after I could not have one word more from him. He is a man of a middle age of a reasonable stature, and doth stand soe much upon his points after his manner as a greater kinge. At my comeinge aboard I enformed the Generall what passed with the Kinge; and the same daie, not longe after my comeinge aboard, the Kinge sent a fatt cowe to the Generall by his enterpretour, desiringe him to come aland; which he promised to doe the next morninge. Soe giveinge them some toyes, they departed.

And the next daye the Generall, accompanyed with Mr. Rivatt and Mr. Glascocke, went towards the shoare, but [Page 28] meanlie guarded to goe amonge such faithlesse people; but haveinge bene at the Kings pallace and spoken with him, he retourned aboard in safetie (God be thanked), comendinge greatlie the good behaviour of the people, which to outward shewe was extraordinarie to other which [[are?]] almost rude in respect of these; for whether it bee their ordinary behaviour or noe I doe not knowe; but they weare soe full of complements that made mee suspect them the more, knowinge that by their freindship with the Portugalls they had learned it of them, and therefore the more to bee doubted. But in the time of our beeinge there, our people went aland and cutt such wood as the countrye did affoard; butt little or noe water to bee had, for all the people did drinke out of a little well which they had made, which would not yeild a tonne a daie. And the countrie people thought us to bee soe bare of water that the poore would bringe us water to sell in coker shells, notwithstandinge the Kinge gave order that none of the countrie people should not take out any water out of the well but for us; but [[when?]] wee sawe that it would bee tedious to have water wheareas there was not sufficient for the people of the countrye to drink, wee gave them faire words, intendinge to departe the next daie.

[Page 29]

One thinge I sawe amonge these people which I thinke fewe Christians would have done the like; for one of our men straglinge in the woods had left his sword careleslie and had forgott wheare hee laid it; which was found by one of the country people and caried to the Kinge; which when the Kinge sawe, hee thought that the fellowe had stolne it, and therefore apprehended him and sent the sword aboard and demanded whether any of the people had stolne it from us; which if he had, that the partie from whome it was stolne should come aland to see the partie executed before his face. When the Generall had sent word unto him that it was forgotten in the woods, he sett the man at libertie by our entreatie; which justice I much admired to bee amongst such heathen people. Whether it were in pollizie to entrapp us in greater matters, it is some thinge doubtfull; butt howsoever they did us noe hurte, because they could not; but wee quietlie bought such refreshinge as the countrye did yeild, as hens and goats, cokers and plantans. The goats are the fayrest that ever I sawe, and very fatt. Wee acquaynted not the people of the countrye of our departure, but told them that wee weare to staie for our consorte; which wee thinke was the reason they used us soe kindlie, expectinge better opportunitie at their leasure. Soe wee departed without takinge our leave.


3.4.1. Wee sett sayle from Comora.

Nov. 29. Wee sett saile from Comora, haveinge furnished our selves, as is afore said, with wood, oranges, lemons, some hens and goats, coker nutts, etc. With the winde of the shoare we steered our course West and by South untill four in the afternoone; then the winde tooke us shorte, and we steered awaye (as the winde did favour [Page 30] us) betwixt the N.E. and the N.W., with little winde all night.



Dec. 10. Aboute two after midnight wee were within a mile of the land, beinge lowe land, that our men thought it to bee orizon untill wee came soe neere that wee decerned the trees on the shoare, and then suddenlie wee tacked aboute to the offinge untill day. At which time wee stoode alonge the land with a faire gale, sending our boate a head to sownd to finde an anchoringe place; [Page 31] which goinge aboute a pointe of the land there was a greate baye with broken ilands to the offinge aboute two miles. Neere to those ilands the pinnace laye; where wee ankored in 14 fathome, good ground, but else where all aboute was nothinge but rocks.

Dec. 11. The Generall sent the skiffe towards the mayne iland to see if they could have any speech with the countrye people, to demand for wateringe and other refreshinge. And comeinge to the shoare they spake with some of the countrye, but could nott learne any thinge by them; but returned aboard and tould the Generall that there was a faire river to goe in and 12 fathom water at the entrye, and 4 1/2 and 5 fathome within, and there was one ashore that could understand Portugues but they knewe not what he said. Soe in the afternoone the Generall sent againe the skiffe, sendinge myselfe in her to understand of those which spake Portugues for water and other refreshinge; but att my comeinge aland I found noe bodie to speake with; and beeinge towards night wee retourned aboard without any further veiwe of any thinge to bee had.

Dec. 12. The next daye I retourned againe aland, and went with the pinnace into the river about two miles up, wheare wee sawe some people, which ranne from us; but at length there came out of the woods some eight persons, and wee made them signes to speake with them, and by signes we understood that they would have one of us to come aland, and that one of them would come to speake with us. Soe beeinge deepe ozie ground that we could not land but must bee above the knee in oze, therefore two of the companie carryed me aland, and then they made signes that they would have butt twoe of us to staie aland, which I did accordinglie. And as soone as the [Page 32] rest were retorned into the boate, they came downe two of them without weopons. And there first salutacion was that that iland did belonge to the Portugalls: that if wee weare Portugalls wee should be welcome: if not, that they had nothinge to saie to us. Soe I tould them that wee weare Portugalls and their freinds: that wee onlie desired to have water and fresh victualls for our money. But he could not tell us (or would not) of any water, but that first hee would advise the Kinge of our comeinge, and would be with us againe in the morninge and bringe us awnsweare; with which wee departed. And rowinge downe the river, wee made towards some which wee sawe fishinge, which before ranne from us but, seeinge us to talke with the others, stood nowe still untill wee came at them. Soe by signes wee demanded for water; and he tould us that behinde a pointe there was water. Soe I gave drinke, aquavita and some toyes which wee carryed in the boate, and he went with us to shewe us the place, which was aboute two mile from thence, where he brought us to a little springe of fresh water, which came out of a claye ground, not all of the best nor any greate quantitie, but such as it was wee carryed aboard to the Generall to taste it, and tould him that at this place we might fill some two or three tonnes every daie; which they seemed satisfied. Besides I tould the Generall that the partie had tould us that it was the Portugalls iland: that except wee weare Portugalls they had nothinge to saie to us: and that the iland was called Pemba (which untill this time our Generall, maister, and all tooke to bee Zenzabar). With us wee brought the blacke aboard that shewed us the water, to whome the Generall gave some trifles and sent againe aland, and some of our men to [Page 33] make a hole for the water to raine into, for the better fillinge the barricas etc. While our men weare makinge the wateringe place, there came some of the countrie people downe, which seemed of good fashion, and tould our people that further within the woods there was store of water. And they came aboard our shipp to speake with the Generall, leavinge twoe of our men aland as pledges; whoe when they came aboard told the Generall that hee was the Kinges brother, and that the Kinge had sent him to furnish us with any thinge that the countrye did affoard; and told him howe the Hollenders had bene at Mozambique, and had taken it. Hee staied all the night aboard, and the Generall had much conference with him; in soe much that our Generall and maister weare soe confident of them that the next daie all the marchannts and the cheefe of the shipp were sent ashoare, to accompanie the Kinges brother. It made them soe confident because these men had tould them that the Portugalls weare their enimies and made slaves of them as manie as they could take, and therefore had noe trade with them; which was contrarie to what the poore men which I spake with at first told mee. Soe some six of us went aland with the supposed Kinges brother, haveinge left pledges for them. At our landing they entreated us [Page 34] to goe with them a little further into the woods, where the pledges weare, and they should come with us; besides wee should see if there weare any cattle come downe. And for myne owne parte, although loth to trust to there curtesies, yet I went with the rest, as many goe to church for companie rather then for zeale; yet because I would not bee accompted a coward I said little. But when wee had traveled within the woods halfe a mile wee came to a little cottage where the pledges weare; and at our entringe into the howse, wee must passe betwixt a lane of armed men, some 50 persons with their darts, swords, bowes and arrowes. But seeinge them wee provided our small force if they had offred anye injurie, although to small purpose in the woods amongst soe manie; but wee made noe staie, tooke our pledges and departed without any broyle; which had it not bene that there was one of their companie left aboard our shipp, I thinke that it had bene our last home in this world; but I made slight of it, because that he that feares danger is accompted a coward. Notwithstanding, at my comeinge aboard, I did not omitt to acquainte the Generall therewith, both in publique and private; but awnsweare was made that of certaine they were honest men, with as much confidence as before; in soe much that the same daie our Generall in person, accompanyed with my selfe and divers others, went some twoe miles from the shipp with the Moore which was lefte aboarde, to seeke better water. He carryed us some halfe a mile within the woods to seeke it, but could finde none, onlie some hole which the raine had filled. Soe beeinge a troublesome waye to passe, beinge soe thicke of bushes, our Generall would goe noe further. The fellowe telling us that a little further there was water; upon which words I told the Generall that if water weare soe farre from the waters side, that it weare in vayne to seeke it, for that when wee had found it wee could not fetch it, beeinge [Page 35] soe farre within the woods, besides the endangeringe of our men amongst the woods in a countrye of such faithlesse people, with some other speeches; which the Generall harkned unto and returned to the waters side; beinge glad when I came and sawe the boate, for I doubted that whiles he drewe us into the woods, that some might steale away our boats and wee remayne in the woods to have our throats cutt; which was one of the reasons I alledged to the Generall which made him retourne the sooner; but Gods name be praysed, all this fell out well. In this meane while wee weare seekinge water, Mr. Grove, Mr. Rivett, and some other weare makinge merrye aland amongst the countrye people; soe that had they sett upon us both wayes, they had slaine most parte of us; which they pretended to have done if wee had not retorned but followed the fellowe untill he had brought us to the supposed water; but God provided better for us. His name be alwayes blessed. Amen.

Wee retourninge to the wateringe, wee tooke in the maister and Mr. Rivett into the skiffe and retourned aboard, leaveinge the boatswaine with the longe boate to take in the water; at which time the boatswaine went into the woods to the cottage, wheare hee perceived some in Portugall apparrell, with rapyers, and many other strangers which had not bene yet seene, which hidd themselves from them; which he perceiveing made hast to retourn to the boate, and quicklie laded the water and came aboard with this newes to the Generall; whereupon he mistrusted some treason pretended, and that all of us had scaped a scowringe; whereupon hee determined to make an end in the [Page 36] morninge to take in what water wee might and a david which was made aland neere the wateringe place, and soe to leave them, if wee could gett noe other refreshinge. And with the longe boate it was concluded to send the skiffe with armed men to attend the longe boate while they weare takinge in the water and david; which was effected the next morninge, being the 19th of December, 1608.

Dec. 19. In the morninge, as is formerlie concluded, the longe boate and skiffe was sent aland to fetch the rest of the water and david which was there made, and to stand upon ther guard, that rather then to endanger any of our men to leave all behinde. The longe boate puttinge of before the skiffe in the meane tyme while shee was makinge readye, at their comeinge aland there came twoe of the cheefest, well knowne to the boatswaine, came to him, demandinge whether our shipp weare to sett saile, because they sawe our saile abroad a dryinge, haveing rayned that night before. Hee tould them the cause as is aforesaid, and that the Generall, marchannts and maister was comeinge in the skiffe, which was then put of from the shipp; wherewith they seemed satisfyed and departed hastelie, as wee suspected to advise the rest thereof to performe their exploite which they pretended.


[Page 37]

And, because he sawe more armed men then formerlie, standinge in some feare, he told them that the maister was at the waters side. He made there but little staie, but came presentlie away and tould us that there were Portugalls or men in Portugall apparrell with their rapiers; [...]


[Page 38]

[...]that spake Portugues offringe his service and entreated to goe fetch them, the boatswaine, seeinge his willingnes without feare, bid goe quicklie and make noe tarryinge at any hand, and to have an eye of what he might see by the waye. The gentleman went with him. Hee had not bene wantinge aboute halfe an howre before our men weare sett upon at the watring place, which was aboute a butt shott from the waters side, but soe covered with trees and bushes that at the waters side ther could nothinge bee perceived by those which weare the sentrees; but as soone as they beganne to shoote there arrowes at them, those that weare fillinge there barricos with water came secreetlie thorough the bushes to the water side, stealing one and other, cryinge "Arme, arme, our men are slaine." The doggs, seeinge them to flie from there arrowes, attempted to kill them with their lances, and killed one of our men, beinge first hurte with an arrowe in the head. They gave eleven wounds to annother. The rest of our men came to the waters side without any hurte, God be thanked. As soone as the centrells had the word they lett flye there musketts into the bushes. They fled presentlie. The wounded man was brought aboard; the other which was slaine wee knewe not what was become of him, untill the next daie that wee retorned aland wee found him in the bushes dead with manie wounds, as well arrowes as swords.


[Page 39]

This daie in the afternoone aboute three of the clocke wee sett saile, beinge the fourth daie wee had bene in this unluckye place, haveinge had much discontent for a little stinkinge water. Haveing formerlie agreed to meete the Unyon at Zanzebar, which was in sight of us, not above ten leagues from us, yet wee had never the grace to goe thither, butt wee stoode our course, with a stiffe gale at N.E., at N.N.W. along the coaste. And this night aboute midnight wee came aground with our shipp upon a bancke of sand, with all sailes bearinge and a stiffe gale; butt God bee thanked, the shipp flatted of againe without any hurte, haveinge stucke faste aboute halfe an hower, the water very smooth, God providinge for us better then wee deserved. His name bee blessed and praysed for ever. This banke or broken iland wheare wee weare aground lyeth betwixt the iland of Pemba and the mayne land of Muylinde, neere to Mombassa, a towne of the Portugalls. But beinge cleare of this danger wee presentlie sounded and had noe ground in 50 fathome; and wee steered awaye all night E.N.E., sowndinge every twoe glasses, doubtinge to meete with some other sholes before daie; but God provided otherwise for us.

Dec. 21. In the morninge wee weare againe faire by the iland of Pemba standinge our course E. & by N. And aboute nine wee perceived the water to bee very white; wee sownded, and had 19 fathome, beeinge some three [Page 40] leagues of the shoare; at which time wee tackt aboute and stoode away N.N.West two glasses; at which time wee descried three saile which stoode towards the iland of Pemba. Our Generall cawsed the longe boate and skiffe to bee manned, and sent in each boate one of the maister his mates, willinge them to bringe the maister and some of the principall aboard, if they could fetch them up; which they had soone effected, for as soone as they came within muskett shott of them they strooke their sailes and stayed for them untill the shipp came up with them.


At their comeinge aboard wee demanded from whence they came and whether bound. They awnswered that they came from Mombassa, and bound home to their dwellinge, which was at Pemba, beeinge marchannts that traded from place to place. Further they tould us that in their pengaos or proas they had some quantitye of Indian comodities, wherewith they traded from place to place, which they bought at Mombassa in barter of rice and other provision which they did usuallie carrie from Pemba thether and to other places on the coaste. [Page 41] told them howe treacherouslie their countrye men of Pemba had dealt with us, betrayinge us, and slaine some of our men; whereat they weare much dismaied, and would seeme to denie what they had formerlie tould us, to bee of Pemba. But our hardie maister, with some others which I omitt, made foolish signes unto them, shewinge the yards arme, that they should there bee hanged; which putt them in a desperate feare, although there was noe such matter ment; yet the maister callinge one of the cheefest into his cabin, understandinge that hee had some insight in navigation and understoode the seacard, the fellowe, fearinge that it had bene some other matter, seeinge he had formerlie made such signes unto him, spake to the rest of them that remayned without, as wee conjecture, to provide themselves to dye. Some of the quarter maisters beinge on the decke perceived a knife in his sleeve as he went into the cabin, whoe came and told mee of it, standinge with the Generall talkinge with the rest of the marchannts of Pemba. I advised the Generall and presentlie he sent the boatson to tell the maister thereof, whoe demandinge him for his knife he denyed it. Soe perceiveinge that they knewe that it was in his sleeve, hee made a shewe to draw it and deliver it to them, but suddenlie drewe it and stabd the maister upon the lefte pappe neere the harte, and offerred to doe the like to Mr. Rivett; and therewith he gave a lowde crye, that his fellowes that weare without hearinge him beganne likewise to stabb those that weare neere unto them, as the preacher, Mr. Tindale, in the side, and [Page 42] Mr. Glascocke in the necke; which the boye perceyveing cryed out "Kill, kill, my maister is killed." With which word the Generall and the rest tooke such armes as weare next hand and beganne to kill as faste as they could; soe that in very shorte time they weare all overboard, either dead or alive, for manie of them lept overboard, which weare slaine in the water by those that weare in our boats, Soe that I thinke not one of them escaped, except a little boye and a mayde of some eight yeares olde; one was taken up in the chaines, and the other out of the pengoa or prowe; which was a girle, which when she sawe her mother drowned, she lept overboard three tymes, that wee had much a doe to save her. This man that first beganne to stabbe the maister three men could not kill him; his owne knife would not enter his flesh; but with much adoe three men cutt his throate with annother knife, where little or noe blud came out; soe they threwe him overboard halfe dead. There weare three of the boats, one of which sett saile with some twoe or three men to carrie newes to Pemba. Had not God the better provided for us they might have slaine the most parte of us, they haveinge all knives aboute them provided for the purpose, and the most parte of our men in the boats and proas, and the rest within board not soe much as a knife aboute him, the maister haveinge a little before given order that none should weare his weopon, seeing that these people came unarmed. I knowe not in what pollicie he did it, but he was the first that was like to paie deere for it; beinge alwayes soe confident in his owne opinion that noe man must contradict him in any thinge; being soe farre in the [Page 43] Generalls bookes that I pray God it end well. This is the end of three greate dangers passed by us within three daies, viz., first at Pemba by treason, secondlie upon the shoales of Mombassa by night, and lastlie by trecherie of these doggs aboard our shipp; all which the Lord by His mercyfull hand hath miraculouslie preserved us from emynent danngers. His name be blessed for ever more, Amen.

These pengaoes had in them of Indian comodities aboute 2000 duckatts worth, besides many good thinges which the saylers made pillage of of the best comodities, which did emport more then that was taken for the Companie our employers. Alsoe there was in them some rice and gravances and other provisions, which our Generall [Page 44] was minded to buye of them and let them goe; but they suspected some hard measure, which caused them to procure their owne destruction, and little benefitt to the Honourable Company.


[Page 45]

Dec. 29. The winde varyable as afore betwixt the N.E. and the E., and wee steered away as neere as the winde would give us leave. These two daies wee have found a current settinge to the [[blank]] with a greate race, with much filth swimming on the water. At noone per observacion 3d.00m.

Dec. 30. The winde at E., and wee steered away N.N.E. Aboute noone wee had sight of the mayne land of the coaste of Amylinde, and aboute six in the afternoone wee weare within three leagues of the land; and wee sownded and had 18 fathome water, hard sandye grownd. Here the land trends awaye N.E. & by E., a faire bould coaste. Wee sownded once more, being four leagues of, and had 60 fathome water. This coast is all alonge the strand white sand, and a lowe land per the waters side, and by judgment is neere to a towne of the Portugalls called Patty. At noone per observacion lattitude 2d. 37 m.4, and we stered of S.E. and S.E. & by E.



[Page 46]

Jan. 3. The winde betwixt the E.N.E. and the N.E. This daye in the morninge, beinge neere the mayne land of Melynde, we sownded and had, some four leagues of the shoare, 60 fathome, faire sand; and we steered away S.E. & by E. and as the winde would permitt us, determyninge to gett farther of the shoare to see if wee could finde a better winde. This daie there was a greate ripplinge of the water, which seemed to bee shold, but we sounded and had 50 fathome.



[Page 47]

Jan. 20. In the morninge, beeinge neere the land, wee slacked our saile and tooke out our skiffe to goe sowndinge before the shipp, and to seeke a good place to anker in. Soe they came to a small iland, beeing neerest unto us, which lyeth aboute twoe leagues to the north of the heigh iland, where they landed in a faire sandy cove, where wee might have ankored very well; butt because our men made noe signe of any water wee ankored not.


The tortells were good meate, as good as fresh beefe, but after two or three meales our men would not eate them, because they did looke soe uglie before they weare boyled; and soe greate that eight of them did almost lade our skiffe.


This eveninge we thought to have ankored at an iland which laye E.N.E. of us, which seemed to be a very fruitfull place and likelye of water; [Page 48] but beinge neere night, and perceyveinge some shoalds and rocks neere the land, and other ilands ahead of us, wee brought our tacks aboard and stoode to the offinge N.E. & by N., hopinge the next daie to finde good ankoringe at the other ilands which wee sawe further to the E.N.E. of us.


Jan. 21. In the morninge wee stoode in for the land, sending the skiffe before the shipp to sound, as alsoe to finde a good place to anker in. Soe aboute nine in the forenoone wee came to anker in 15 fathome water, within halfe a mile of the land. But wee found it full of small rocks; wherefore wee wayed and went further in, where we found cleare grownd and better rideinge; where wee found very good water in dyvers places, but noe signe of any people that ever had bene there. It is a very good roade betwixt twoe ilands, aboute a mile and a halfe [Page 49] distant from iland to iland; and there lyeth, betwixt the E.S.E. and S.E. & by E., other three ilands aboute three leagues of from the place where wee ankored; soe that wee weare in a manner land locked, except towards the E.N.E. and E. To knowe the place where wee ankored, there is a small iland which lyeth next hand north from the roade aboute two leagues; and there is a rock or ilheo lyinge betweene the iland where wee ride and the foresaid iland, the roade beinge to the southwards of that. To the W.N.W. there is a very high iland some 10 leagues of, which was the first iland which wee descryed. We ankored in 12 fathome water. The roade is in 4d. 10m to the southward.

Jan. 22. Finding a rowlinge to sea to come in out of the E.N.E., wee warped in aboute two cables length farther and anchored in 13 fathome water, very good ground and within a pistoll shott of the shoare; where wee ride as in a pond from the 22th to the 3Oth ditto; in which time wee watred and wooded at our pleasure with much ease; where wee found many coker nutts, both ripe and greene, of all sorts, and much fishe and fowle and tortells (but our men would not eate any of them, but the tortells wee could kill with staves at our pleasure) and manye scates with other fishe. As alsoe aboute the rivers there are many allagartes; our men fishinge for scates tooke [Page 50] one of them and drewe him aland alive with a rope fastened within his gills. On one of these ilands, within two miles where wee roade, there is as good tymber as ever I sawe of length and bignes, and a very firme timber. You shall have many trees of 60 and 70 feete without sprigge except at the topp, very bigge and straight as an arrowe. It is a very good refreshing place for wood, water, coker nutts, fish and fowle, without any feare or danger, except the allagartes; for you cannot discerne that ever any people had bene there before us.



[Page 51]

Feb. 16. In the morninge wee weare faire by the land, and with a faire gale wee stoode in N.N.E. The land trendeth N.E. half Easterly. At nine wee ankored in ten fathome water, faire ground, within 1 1/2 mile from the land. The Generall sent aland the skiffe, and sent mee in her to see if wee could speake with any of the countrye people, to understand what the country did affoard. But comeinge aland there wente soe greate a suffe that wee could not land without endangeringe the boate and our selves.


[Page 52]

Feb. 25. ...This day in the morninge we had againe sight of the mayne land, bearinge of us N. & by W., beinge at noone by observacion 5d. 33m.

Feb. 26. The winde at E., and wee steered away N.N.E. Aboute six in the morninge wee weare within two leagues of the land, and had 25 fathome water, good ground. Then we tacked againe to the southward, and stood S.S.E. of the land, trendinge awaye N.E. & by E. neerest. At noone per observacion 6d. 32m.


March 12. Havinge stoode to the northward from midnight, at ten in the morninge wee weare againe within two leagues of the shore, in fifteen fathome water, faire grownd, the winde at north. Wee stoode away E.N.E. for six glasses; and then wee steered awaye S.E. and S.E. & by S., the winde shrinking on us, with raine and [...]


[Page 53]

March 13. The winde betwixt the E.N.E. and the N.E. & by N. And at four in the morninge wee tacked towards the shore untill five in the eveninge, at which time wee weare within a league of the land, in thirteen fathome water. Then we tacked and stoode of S.E. & by S.; the land trendinge N.E. & by E.



March 28.


[...]a small rockye iland, which made the maister to take it for Soccatora. [...]


[Page 54]

Wee had within a quarter of a mile of the shore nine and ten fathome; butt under water, a mile of the shore, there is a rocke, which lyeth a fathome under water. Wee made signes to our shipp to goe farther of, for avoydeinge the danger. Then, perceiveinge [[it?]] directlie to bee Abdelcura, wee made all the saile wee could, and stoode alongst the shoare a good berth of. The land is aboute seven leagues longe, and all alonge the shore it rizeth in with sharpe rocks and valleys betwixt, with white sand.


March 30. In the morninge we weare aboute three [Page 55] leagues of the iland of Soccotora; and the Generall sent of the skiffe, my selfe in her, to see if wee could speake with any of the country people. And descryinge a faire baye wee went in and sounded, and landed, to see if there weare any fresh water or people; but we found neither people nor water, but signe of many goats and people which had bene latelie there. It is a faire baye and good anchoringe, from twenty fathome to five farther [[fathome?]] within a quarter mile of the shore. Soe that at ten before noone the shipp anchored in seven fathome water. After the shipp was ankered the maister went aland to search for water, but could finde none; but wee sawe twoe men on the topp of a mountayne, but would not come neere us. Soe wee retourned; and aboute six in the eveninge wee sett saile and stoode alonge the shore. This baye is called Golgotha Baye, named soe by Captaine Keelinge.

March 31. With little winde wee stoode alonge the shore of Soccotora; but the current settinge to the westward sett us to leeward of the pointe of Golgotha Baye.


At which time wee descryed a saile comeinge from the east plyinge into the farther baye ahead us.


But wee understoode by some of the countrye people that we spake withall that there [[theie?]] weare Guzaratts bound [Page 56] for the Red Sea; as alsoe they tould us of Captaine Keelinge and Captaine Hawkins and of settinge up a pinnace; and wee tould them what wee weare and what wee desired. He [[They?]] tould us that there was not in that place any water, but goats there weare good store, but that they could not sell any untill they had advised the Kinge, which they would doe that night, his towne beeinge aboute a daies jorney from thence; and the next daie he [[they?]] would retourne with awnsweare. Soe with this advise wee sownded all the baye and retorned to the shipp. Wee found very good sholdinge from four fathome within a quarter of a mile of the shore, to twenty fathoms a league of, faire white sand. Butt before we cold come aboard, our shipp was dryven of with the corrent, haveinge little winde, that they could not have ground in 80 fathome. Wee had little winde all night.

Aprill 1.


[Page 57]

[...]Agra, aboute three monnethes journey within the land. Wee tould them that wee weare bound for Aden, and from thence to Suratt. They seemed to bee very joyfull, and desired our companye for Aden, whether they weare bound, laden with cotton wooll and some callicoes of all sorts, beinge a shipp of 150 tonns or thereabouts.


[Page 58]

Aprill 6. The winde at S., and S. & by West ; little wind. Our course W. & by S. and W.S.W. This daie the pilott retorned aboard the shipp, discryinge the land, and knowinge that hee was farther from Aden then he expected, beeinge hazie weather, was deceived of the land which he sawe first.

Aprill 7.


This night aboute ten wee anchored in 18 fathome water within two leagues of Aden castell, and the Guzaratts shipp went in within the castell.

Aprill 8. In the morninge wee saluted the castell with five peeces. And aboute ten in the forenoone came off the Guzaratts boate, and brought the Governours Caya and [Page 59] the Sabander of Aden, with the captaine of the Guzaratts shipp and divers others, with many complements of joye from the Caya and Sabander, promising greate matters for the sale of our comodities, as alsoe for our good enterteynement, with many besalosmanos from the Governor, sayinge that for our cotton we should paie five per cent. [...]


[...]presentlie wee departed in our owne boate, and they in their boate went before to advise the Governor of our comeinge; [...]


When wee came neere his howse wee weare entertayned with tabour and pipe and other heathen musicke, and presentlie carryed to the presence of the Governor, whoe saluted us and confirmed by a writeinge under his hand all that the Caya had promised us, with many more complements; and with the same gave us vests of cloth of gould, and sett us againe on horse backe, to carrye us to a faire howse which he had provided for us, with our former musicke.

[Page 60]

3.6. Of whatt passed after our landinge att Aden, in Arabia: as alsoe in Senan and Moccha, untill our cominge from thence.


After our enterteynement at landinge and accompanyed with the Governours cheife officers to the howse which he had prepared for us, hee sent us victualls to eate, in very ample manner. And after dinner the Generall, haveinge conferred with divers of the countrye, sent mee to the Agaa or Governour to knowe whether he would command any service aboard the shipp, for that the Generall would repayre aboard and come againe in the morninge. Whereunto [...]


[Page 61]

When I came to the Generall, he was well comforted by the Turks which had kept him companie most parte of the night, that this daie he should have leave to goe aboard. Soe wee passed the tyme untill the eveninge; att which time the Generall and my selfe went to the Agaa, shewinge that he had sufficientlie reposed himselfe aland, entreatinge his leave to goe aboard his shipp. To which hee awnswered that he had already sent to advise the Bashaa his maister of our comeinge, and of the Generalls beeinge aland, and before hee had his awnsweare he durst not suffer him to goe aboard; affirminge that within fifteen daies hee hoped to have awnsweare from the Bashaa to his content; with many protestacions of his good meaninge therein, and that hee had wrytten much in his behalfe to the Bashaa. With this awnsweare wee retourned to our lodginge, noe better then prisonners, being guarded with souldiars, which made us abide with heavie harts. Yet wee wanted nothinge, for hee sent us victuals for two or three daies, untill hee beganne to growe wearye and sent us word that wee should provide for our selves; being resolved by the Agaa that wee should not goe aboard untill expresse order from the Bashaa, which would bee twentie dayes.

The Generall, seeinge noe remedye, resolved with patience to abide it, and sent aboard the shipp for such things as was necessarye for victualls and other things; and sent for Robert Covett to bee our cooke. In this tyme wee repayred divers tymes to the Governor, and weare many times invited thether to dinner; the Governor beeing many times very earnest with the Generall to come neere the roade with the shipp and land our goods, as the Guzaratts did, to avoyde suspicion of the countrye people, [Page 62] for some did not lett to saie that wee weare men of warre and not marchannts, because wee would not land our goods, and ride soe farre of with the shipp. To whome the Generall awnswered that for the shipp she could not come soe neere as the juncks, beeinge of a greater draught, and the further shee roade of the more would bee our paine to land our goods, as wee weare purposed to doe if there weare marchannts in the countrye that would buye it. Whereto the Agaa, alias Governor, replyed that hee would procure marchannts to buye all that was in the shipp within eight daies, if it weare once unladen; upon whose words the Generall cawsed a little iron and tynne to bee landed, every daie a little, to keepe stroake with them untill the messenger retorned from the Bashaa. Whatt tynne wee landed was presentlie sold for 340 rialls per baharre, which is 350 li. suttle or thereabouts. Alsoe the Agaa sent some marchannts to buye aboute eight bahars of iron, ready money, at 22 rialls per bahar. This he did in pollicye onelie to animate the Generall to land the rest of our goods; but the Generall made noe greate haste to unlade; onely for fashion sake a little every day in our owne boate, to delaye the time as is aforesaid. Notwithstandinge, wee had landed by little and little aboute ten tuns of iron and eight peeces of broad cloth before the messenger came with awnsweare.


[Page 63]

That the Governor should give us good enterteynement, and that wee weare welcome into the countrye; and that the Basha would buye of us 500 covedos of broad cloth and all our lead. Whereunto our Generall awnswered that it was at his service at any reasonable price. The Governor made greate signes of feigned joie, protestinge nowe that he had order from the Bashaa and would doe us all the best kindnes that might bee. With these faire words wee flattered our selves for the time, and departed without asking any leave to goe aboard, because they should think that wee doubted nothinge thereof, seeing such good newes from the Bashaa.


[Page 64]

[...]wee returned to our howse, alias prizon, the Generall very much discontented, as the Governor well perceived, for presentlie he sent to our howse annother guard of soldiars to keepe us all within the howse and not suffer anie to goe out without a guard with him. And this daie in the eveninge he sent his Caya and his cheife secretarie to our howse, shewinge the Generall that hee ment noe harme towards us, onelie he desired to buye 500 covedos of our cloth for the Bashaa for three altons the covedo (every alton is 3s. 4d.); whereunto the Generall awnswered that he had already 150 covedos in his hands of the choise cloth wee had, which he was content he should have for that price; but for the 500 covedos which he would have more, he should paie three rialls of eight the covedo; whereunto the secretarye seemed well satisfied, and told the Generall that hee might goe aboard in the morninge, willinge him to send for the skiffe to fetch him, for that the [Page 65] Generall had given order that the boate should not come aland untill he sent for her.


Soe the Caya, the drogaman, and two [Page 66] Turks more goe aboard, my selfe with them, with order from the Generall to keepe them aboard untill further order from him, doubtinge much his personn aland. Soe att our comeinge aboard it was almost night; soe that it was too late to shewe them anie cloth, butt went to supper, they haveinge brought store of victualls to make merrye. Soe that this night there was shott in healthes above 40 peeces of ordinance, that the people aland wondred at it; butt all was in mirth, they not yet understandinge that wee ment to detayne them. And havinge showed the rest of the marchannts and maister the Generalls order, we determyned to sett saile in the morninge to gett without shott of the castle, and there come to anchor untill wee hard farther from the Generall. Soe in the morninge I shewed them the cloth; and while they were chusinge of itt the shipp sett saile; which they perceiveinge demanded the reason. Soe wee tooke them into the cabbin and told them that seeing the Governor had falsified his promise soe often with the Generall and detayned him aland, doubtinge much his meaneinge towards us, wee ment to keepe them as pledges untill our Generall came aboard; and if it pleased them to send a letter aland to the Governor their maister they might; and wee shewed them 16 chests of rialls of eight, our yron, tynne, steele, and cloth which was aboard, tellinge them wee [[were?]] not theeves, as some had reported, but marchannts thatt lived by our trade. Soe they went to write to the Governor and to send yt by a fisher boate which was by the ships side.


[Page 68]

Soe the Caya beinge feasted by the Generall this daie, the next morninge was sent aland in our skiffe, my selfe with him. And at our comminge aland, the Governor sittinge in the custome howse and seeing his Caya comeinge, contrarie to his expectacion, seemed very well content, giveinge mee very kinde words, tellinge me that wee might goe and come, buye and sell at our pleasure, with many other complements. Soe in the eveninge I retourned aboard, without any lett or hindrannce.


[Page 69]

The Generall willed me to staie two or three daies before I demanded the money of him, because to give him noe offence; butt at the time appointed I went to him to demand the money. He putt me off untill the next daie. In this meane time there was a greate shipp of Guzaratt come to Moucha, as the said Governor advised the Generall, willinge the Generall to send a marchannt theather to buye there indico, haveinge brought greate store.


This boate retourned from Moucha, with his man and Mr. Glascocke, within tenn daies and brought letters from Mr. Revett, whoe remayned there, by which letters wee understoode that the indico which was there could not be bought for lesse then 80 rials of eight the churle, which was too high a rate for us to buye; but for sale of our yron, sword blades and peeces there was some hope of sale at a reasonable rate. This was theffect of his letter concerninge the sale of comodities, perswading the Generall to come thether with the shipp, comendinge the place to be farre better then Aden. Soe that the Generall was determyned to goe downe with the shipp as [Page 70] soone as hee could end his buysines with the Governor and receive his mony, which untill nowe was putt off from daie to daie with delayes.


[...]but if wee would needs goe for Moucha, contrarie to his minde, wee should paie the custome of all our goods, and for every alton a chichin of gold, as well for the entrado as the saiedo, which is both in and out, saying that whatt money he owed us was not sufficyent to paye his custome; yet if the Generall would give him what money was in his hands that he would free him of the rest, and might goe whither he pleased, and wee should presentlie send all other goods which was remayninge aboard; which if the Generall denyed to doe, he would send Phillipp Glascocke and my selfe prisonners to the Bashaa for Senan, to affirme before the Basha what hee had received of us for the custome, because (as he said) the Bashaa was informed that wee had brought much cloth of gould and cloth of silver and silkes, soe that the Bashaa expected much more custome then he had receyved [Page 71] of us; and bid me thus advise the Generall, and him his awnsweare. I awnswered him that for my owne parte I was very willinge to see the Bashaa, and that I was perswaded that soe honorable a person would deale well with stranngers and take nothinge butt what was his due, which wee weare willinge to paie; notwithstandinge I would, if it pleased him, goe aboard to advise the Generall of whatt he had said. But he would not suffer mee to goe, but to send some other, and write him my minde; the which I forthwith effected, and had present awnswer from him that hee might doe as hee pleased, but he would not consent to give him his demand, for that he was satisfied for his custome with advantage, besides the money which hee ought. Haveinge told the Governor thereof, he bid mee send all our yron and other comodities and our people aboard, except my selfe and Phillipp Glascocke, biddinge us to provide our selves to depart for Senan to the Bashaa within three daies, as horses and all other provision for the journey; which if wee weare not provided by the time lymitted he would send us on foote. I entreated him to provide us two horses, and wee would paie for them as much as they weare worth; because wee weare stranngers, that none dare to sell us horses without his leave. He awnswered that there weare twoe soldiers present that had horses to sell that wee might buye if wee would; biddinge them to sell us twoe horses and to make us paie well for them or not to sell them, as afterwards our drogaman tould us he said to the soldiar that had the horses to sell; and as it appered by his owne words unto us it was trewe, for that he willed us out of hand to buye our horses, for it was in vaine to thinke that wee should hier any in the countrye, and that wee neede not stand upon the price. I awnswered I would give for them what they weare worth, and not willinglie more, entreatinge him to be favorable to us, not to make us paie [Page 72] for them twice as much as they weare worth, for I understood the horses to bee his owne. But he awnswered that the horses weare the soldiars and he might sell them as he liste: he would not be against his profitt; sayinge farther that our goinge to Senan should cost us twice as much as the money which he ought us, before the journey was ended; thinkinge by these threatnings to drawe us to give him the 1573 altons which he owed rather then wee would venture to spend soe much more and in the end goe without it, as at last wee did; for if he could have putt us of from goinge to Senan he would have had it to himselfe, for that the Generall had given him a present for the Bashaa before, besides his custome. But when he sawe that we had bought our horses (which cost us 180 rialls of eight) then he was resolvd that wee determined to goe; and therefore he sent for mee to his howse, demandinge me when wee would bee readie to depart for Senan. I awnswered that, God willing, at the tyme appointed I would be readye, for that I had some yron and lead to be sent aboard, and as soone as it was laden I was readye, which would be the next daie. Soe he paid a little money which rested owinge for his owne accompt, besides the cloth, and withall he tould out the whole some of money which was owinge unto us, and delivered it before us to his secretarie (whoe was to goe with us) to deliver it to the Bashaa, sayinge wee should see that he kept it not to himselfe but would send it with us, and if it pleased the Bashaa to give it to us, it was nothinge to him. It put us in some comfort that the money went alonge with us, for that we doubted nothinge but that the Bashaa would cause it to bee delivered unto us; but it fell out otherwise. I was glad that he sent the money, because, if he should have caused the money to be given unto us, that I should not have annother journey to Aden for it, but goe directlie for Moucha, accordinge to order, where the ship was to meete us.

[Page 73]

Thus haveinge laden all the rest of the goods which was aland, and sent all our people and stuffe aboard, and our selves readye, the 26th of Maye wee sett forwards towards Senan, [...]


[Page 74]

In the time of our beinge at Aden, the Basha sent the Governor a vest of gold for a favour; which the Governor receyved aboute two miles out of the towne, in greate state, and entreated me to goe with him, and sent me two horses to take my choise, and likewise desired that I would write to the Generall to shute some ordinance out of the shipp when the castell shott; which I performed, and went with him out of the towne, and soe to all the castles aboute the towne after he had received the vest of a gentleman that brought it. Hee rode to the castell with the vest on his backe, and when he came to the castles the ordinance was shott which was in them; soe that in all there were shott above 200 peeces of ordinance within the castles and from the walls, and our shipp shott fourteen peeces, whereat the Governor seemed content; as no doubt he would have bene in all matters, if he had not perceyved such weaknes in our Generall.

3.7. Heare followeth a discripcion of the strength of the cittie of Aden in Arabia, lyinge in latitude 12 degrees 9 minutes. Anno 1609.


This cittie of Aden hath in former time bene a famous and stronge place, but at present is ruinated and destroyed [Page 75] by the Turks. There hath bene very faire buildings in it, as by the remainders of the faire howses which are lefte may be seene, falling to the grownd for want of repayringe. There are in this cittie yett remayneinge many Arabs of the poorer sorte, which are but as slaves to the Turke. This cittie is walled round with a stone wall, very stronge, and hath in it three very stronge gates, vizt. one on the north side, with yron grates to take up and downe at their pleasure, and within this gate there are twoe other gates, one a prettie distance one within annother; these two gates are of timber, with greate nayles as thicke as they can stand; and the reason why this gate is stronger then the other is because this way is the easiest way for any enemie to assault the cittie, havinge noe other good entrance but over rocks or by the sea. Under their castles on the south side there is annother gate; but this gate is comonlie kept fast, because that way there is noe recourse of people, because it is towards the mountaines, where there is noe travelling. The third gate is toward the sea, which is towards the west, by the castell, which is without the towne, upon the top of the iland. All the gates have a guard kept in them night and daie. The towne is cittuated in a valley envyronned aboute with craggie mountaines, except at the north side, where the three gates are; and on the mountaines there are castells and watch howses round aboute, with ordinance in them, and watch kept in all of them, although with fewe men, for that they are scituated in such stronge places that one [Page 76] man may keepe out twenty. All these forts are within falcon shott of the towne and doth comand the whole cittie. And for the defence towards the sea there is an iland, very high, within muskett shott of the towne, on which there is a very stronge castell, which seemed invincible if they wante not men or victualls, for it is naturallie stronge of itselfe if there weare noe walls aboute it, the mountaine itselfe beeinge as a castell; but ther are stronge walles and plattformes in it, with good store of ordinance. This castell comandeth both the towne and the roade where shipping useth comonlie to ride, but you may ride out of shott of it if you please. In this castle and the rest of the forts of the cittie there are not above 300 soldiars; yett doe they keepe the people in such awe that they dare not looke a Turke in the face. The Arabs are not suffred to carrie any kinde of armes nor suffred to have any weopons in their howses for there owne defence; for at our first comeinge we weare comanded to sell noe kinde of armour to the Arabs, and if any of them should presume to buye any in secrett it would cost him noe lesse then his life; which if the Arabs might buye, our peeces and sword blades would bee a good comoditie in those partes.

In this ruinated citty there is noe fresh water, but some wells which are as brakishe as the sea; whereof the comon people drinke, and being used thereunto it doth them noe hurte. It is an uncomfortable cittie; for within the walls there is not any greene thinge growinge, onelie your delight must bee in the cragged rocks and decayed howses. It doth seldom or never raine in this cittie, which is the reason that there is nothinge that groweth within it. It [Page 77] was reported unto us that in seven yeares they had seene noe raine within the citty.


They bringe to this towne onely callicoes and shashes and cotton woll; and retourne gumarabecke, frankencense and mirre, and an herbe which groweth here called fica or ruūa, which they carrie to the Indies to dye red withall; alsoe some rialls of eight and [Page 78] chickins there are brought by the marchannts which come from Grand Cairo yearlie; but fewe come to Aden, but staie in Gidda or Moucha. The Indian shipps come in November, which is the begininge of the easterlie monson, or in Aprill or Maye, which is the end of the same monsonn; and then at the begininge of the westerly monsonn those which came first departe, and those which came last in Aprill departe in August; and this is their course for their monsonnes continuallie thorough the yeare. But if they chance to be taken shorte with the monsonne, they are faine to gett some place to staie untill the next monsonne, or to retourne backe againe; for the winter in the coast of India beginneth aboute the end of Maye, and lasteth untill September, and then begineth the easterlie monsonne.


[...]for aboute the end of the monsonns the winde hath noe greate force, but bloweth little winde; [...]

3.8. Of the cominge of our pinnace after the murder of John Lufkin, master of her.


In the time of our beeinge in Aden, aboute the 15th of Maye, in the night, arrived our pinnace, which sett up at the Cape, beinge eight monnethes since shee departed from [[us?]] after our departure from the Cape Bona Esperansa. Beinge aland at Aden, in the night I hard [Page 79] ordinance out of the roade from our shipp, which made me doubt of some assault to our shipp by the Turks; but it proved to bee at the arryvall of the said pinnace, although noe greate cause to shute for joye, seeinge they had murthered there maister. Yet as the Divell had tempted them to the evill, soe hee brought them to their end; for as soone as they came aboard to the Generall, he demandinge for there maister, they tould him very merilie that hee was dead. Demandinge by whatt meanes, they awnswered that they had slaine him; askinge whoe it was that slewe him, they awnswered: One and all of them; that it was better for one to dye then all. Soe beganne to tell the whole storie; howe that hee had driven them off with delayes a longe time that hee would putt with the land of Saint Lawrence to seeke victualls, and had deceived them soe often, thatt they weare almost all famished for wante of water and other refreshinge; and therefore they seeinge him to bee neare the land in the eveninge and stoode to the offinge againe, although hee had promysed that the next daie hee would stand againe with the land to seeke refreshinge, but they not beleevinge any more his promises, as hee was standinge leaneinge over the shipps side, one of them with a mallett strooke his braines out, and had slaine him, and had made one Francis Dryver maister; whoe presentlie went into his cabbin and tooke possession, beinge very sicke, and there dranke carowses one to the other; and Clarke, whoe was the man that killed him, was made his mate. They allegd further that hee had good drinke for himselfe, and would drinke it himselfe and give them none, because it was of his owne provision.


Map of the Yaman, showing Jourdain's routes
Hakluyt Society, Second Series, Vol. 16.
[Page 81]

3.11. Our journey from Aden to Senan, with the names of the cheife townes wee passed.


The 26th of Maye (as is before mentioned) in the eveninge wee sett forth out of Aden towards Senan ; and the same daie our shipp sett saile for Moucha.


This daie wee travelled untill midnight, at which time wee came neere a walled towne of garrison, called Hatch; [...]


[Page 82]

This cittie hath walles of earth round aboute, made very artificiall, and hath 50 soldiars, Turks horsmen, in itt, which doth governe it under Reejppo, Agaa of Aden. It stands in a very plaine and champion countrie, and very firtill of all fruits and graine, havinge divers rivers of waters in many places to water their corne. Alsoe there is in this place much cotton woll. Soe that I take it to be one of the fruitfull places of Arabia; and is some 18 miles from Aden. This towne doth serve Aden with all kinde of victualls and fruite.

May 28. In the afternoone wee departed out of Hatch, and travelled untill three in the morninge, and then wee rested in the plaine feilds untill three the next daie, neere unto a cohoo howse in the desert; havinge brought victualls with us from Hatch and water, and eight soldiars to conducte us for feare of theeves, being a wildernes where manie are robbed.

May 29.


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The next daie aboute ten wee came to a little village, where wee rested all the daie untill night, but could gett noe victualls but what wee brought with us, other then quinces and some peaches.


May 31. In the forenoone aboute ten we came to a prettie towne called Salmett, which standeth in a plaine countrie and very fertill of all kinde of graine, which doth serve all parts of the barren countrye that wee have passed these two daies. On the topp of a heigh hill neeare the towne is a castle with some ordinance in itt, but of little force. Heare wee stayed all night.

June 1. Two howers before daie wee sett forward out of Salmett, and came to annother prettie towne some 26 miles distannt, called Jenetta, this towne alsoe standinge in a fruitfull soile. And betwixt the twoe townes there are manye small villages and very populous and fruitfull, with manie valleyes which yeild all kinde of graine, and very well manured.


June 2. Wee came neere the cittie of Hippa; being a walled cittie and a garrison, could not gett in by night, and therefore wee laye aboute five miles short of itt. This daie wee passed many heigh mountaines with paved [Page 84] wayes made round about them for men to travaile; otherwise it weare unpossible to goe on horsbacke; and in the middle way of one of the mountaines there is a fountaine of very good water, with a sesterne of lyme and stone to give drinke to beasts that travaile; otherwise the beasts weare not able to contynue travaile, by reason of the greate heate.

June 3. Aboute ten wee came to the cittie of Hippa, where wee laye in the middle of the cittie within the sarraye, a howse made of purpose for travellours.


This cittie standeth very pleasannt, and in a firtill soile, and very populous, and the land round aboute very well manured. In this place they doe sowe their corne all times of the yeare, and doth yeild fruite every three months, as it was crediblie reported to mee, for I have seene some corne sowinge, some reapinge, some ripe, and some greene all at one time, which maketh mee beleeve it the sooner. This towne hath not above 50 soldiars to keepe it, and yet very populous.

June 4. The Governour sent mee by his Caia a goate dressed in very good manner, and cawsed his Caia to keepe me companie and eate with mee, because he thought I would feare to eate the meate hee sent mee.


[Page 85]

June 5. Aboute two in the morninge wee putt off from Hippa in hope to have passed the greate mountaine; [...]


This mountaine is called Nasmarde, where all the cohoo growes. From this mountaine goeth many rivers of water, that doth water many places in Arabia; and is fruitfull round aboute it of all kinde of graine and fruite.


Neere unto these [Page 86] castells there is a little village where there is sould cohoo and fruite. The seeds of this cohoo is a greate marchandize, for it is carried to Grand Cairo and all other places of Turkey, and to the Indias.


June 6. Havinge with greate paines passed this mountaine of Nasmarde, wee came to a small towne, scituated in a barren countrie, where wee lodged in the sarraye, where wee found victualls, because it is not aboute [[above?]] five mile from the foote of this fruitfull mountayne.

June 7. Wee came to a cittie called Damar. This [Page 87] cittie standeth in a plaine countrie and firtell; and the towne is devided in four parts, like four severall villages. It is very populous and not walled, but very pleasant, full of gardens; yet noe water within the towne, onelie what is in wells without the towne; which water there are men appointed continewallie to drawe with oxen and lett it runne in a gutter every morninge to fill the sesterns which are provided in the cittie for that purpose; and when the sesternes are full, they carrie the water to there corne and gardens, and soe water dailie both there corne and there gardens.


June 8. Wee came to a little towne called Mocadar, which stands in a desert country betweene the mountaines, where wee laye within a sarraye, havinge this daie passed by a very faire sarraye on the topp of a plaine mountaine, made by the Basha for travellours that come late that waye.


[Page 88]

June 11. The Governors secretarie that came with us came to our howse and willed us to make our selves readye to goe to the Bashaa, whoe had given order for our comeinge. And aboute ten in the forenoone wee came to the place where the Basha laye with all his trayne, and presentlie wee weare carried to the Basshas secretaryes tent, hee to take charge of us; where wee stayed three howers before wee could have admittance to the Basha, hee beeinge asleepe.


[Page 89]

The Basha being sate upon a high stoole laid with crimson velvett, in a faire gallerie under his howse, hee sittinge in the middest of the galerie, and his noble men by degrees standinge on each side with their armes crosse. Soe that as soone as I had done my dutye unto him, I was taken by two of his noble men, on each side one, houlding fast both my armes, and soe carried me towards the Bashaa to kisse his vest; which beeing done wee retired backwards a prettye distannce, where they lett me stand in the middle betweene the two rancks of his noblemen.


[Page 91]

Presentlie wee weare carryed to the Caya his tent, whoe sate in as greate state as the Basha himselfe; and in the same manner as wee weare carried before the Basha, wee weare presented to the Caya; onelie we had a little more priviledge to kisse his hand, havinge kissed the skirt of the Bashaas gowne. He bid us welcome, and cawsed us to be carried againe to the secretaries tent untill the eveninge and then he would speake with us; where we stayed untill it was almost night. Soe that after that wee had eate with the secretarie, he sent us word that wee should retourne to the cittie, and repaire thether againe the next morninge; and cawsed the Governours man of Aden (whoe was our keeper) to goe with us. Soe wee tooke our leave of the secretarie and departed.


[...]I was minded to carrie a present the next daie, because I had some notice by the Bashas secretarie by signes. Soe that the next daie I carried for the Basha 25 covedos [Page 92] of cloth of severall colours for five vests, two barrells of powder, and two faire peeces: to the Caya 12 covedos of severall colours and one peece: to the secretarie 12 covedos of severall colours and one peece.

[Page 93]

3.12. The discription of the cittie of Senan, where the Basshaa keepes his courte.


This citty of Senan is noe greate cittie, but well seated in a valley, and walled aboute with earth in manner of greate stone squared, very curiouslie made for beeing earth, havinge every fortie paces distannce a watch howse or little tower with battlements. The wall is with battlements round aboute, and twelve foote thicke, and to outward shewe is as faire as a stone wall. The cittie is aboute two miles compasse within the walls, and hath within it a very faire and large castle of stone, with some ordinance, but not much.

[Page 94]


The buildinge within the citty is of bricke, and many faire howses and churches with fayre towres and many prettye gardens within the towne, the cittie standinge in a very pleasannt plaine; onelie there is one littell hill neere the towne, upon the topp of which standeth a platforme or bulwarke with some ordinance, and watch kept, because on this mountaine there are found many sorts of stones, as catts eyes, agatts and blud stones [Page 95] in greate number, with other stones amongst of better valewe.

The trade of this cittye is cheiflie with the Benaianes of Guzaratt, which bringeth yearly all kinde of comodities, as bastaes, shasses, cotton woll, with other stuffs of their countrye, and lye here as factours for the Banians of Aden, Moucha, Zida, to whom they yeild there accompts; for in each of those places before mentioned there is one cheife Banane as Consull or such like, which doth all the buysines in each place.


It is a very firtill cittie for all provision of victuall and fruite, and reasonable cheape. A wholesome and pleasant place to dwell in, and a temperate aire, neither too hott nor too cold; but upon the waye in the mornings it is as cold as in England. I never felt soe much cold in any place as by the waye in the mornings before sonne rizinge, with a hoare frost on the grownd.

[Page 96]


June 24, 25, 26. Wee came to a greate cittie called Tayes, being as bigg or bigger the[[n]] Senan, and lyeth on the side of a mountaine, with a very faire castell standing on the topp of the mountaine, with much ordinance in itt, which comandeth the cittie.


Here wee stayed three daies within a faire sarraye, because, as our drogaman said, he could gett noe camells to carrye our provision and stuffe; [...]


Butt within the howse passed the tyme with an old blind Portugall renegado witch. As he said himselfe, his trade was noe other thinge but witchcrafte, and was taken here to bee a saint, and many people would come and kisse his hands in my presence and entreate him to pray for them ; which when he retorned from blessinge [Page 97] them, he would burst out in laughing to me, sayinge that these foolish infidel people thought him to be a saint, and hee was noe other then a divell, and because he could doe a fewe of the Divells myracles, which he had taught him, that they thought him to bee a saint. This man had licence to begge at the townes end, where he had a little cottage by the side of the waye, and annother howse within, where resorted divers people to knowe many things of him, which hee could tell by aide of the Divell, to whome he had given the blud of his arme, with promise to sacrifice to him every monneth a hen or a kid; which one time being angrie with his maister the Divell, for killinge, as he said, his twoe sonnes and his daughter, he would not doe any more sacrifice to him; but the Divell will have his due, and therefore hee came unto him in the same shape as at first when hee made the agreement with him, to witt in the shape of a younge fawne, but dancinge round aboute him, his heate beeing soe extreame that it putt out his eyes, and is at this howre blind. Soe that he was faine to make an other promise to performe his sacrifice as before; otherwise he saith that he threatned to burne him to coales. Thus with many other tales which he tould me of the Divell, and of his cominge into the countrye and of his marriadge and other histories, wee passed the time these three dayes; which weere too tedious to sett downe, although pleasannt to heare.


[Page 98]

June 29. Wee departed from the sarraie and came to a towne within five leagues of Moucha, called Musse. This is a greate towne and hath in it 200 soldiars. In this towne wee rested untill the eveninge, and then wee sett forward, because of the heate.

3.13. A discourse of whatt passed at Moucha after my comeinge from Senan.


[Page 99]

In the interim of all the buysines aboute lanching and endinge the pinnace, wee did our best to sell some of our comodities; which by meanes of a Jewe called David, dwelling in Moucha, whoe brought the Consull or cheife of the Banians and offred us for all the yron 19 rials of eight the bahar, and take it all, which seemed to Mr. Revett and my selfe a reasonable price; notwithstandinge, wee would not make an end of the bargaine before we had advised the Generall thereof. Soe when wee brought the parties before him, thinkinge to have made an end, the Generall burst out in anger, sayinge that they mocked him to offer him soe little; which the marchannt perceaveinge departed, not sayinge one word, butt after would not buye it at any rate, although it was offred to him for the same price, and some thinge to the Jewe to make the match. Therefore I hould it good to take the first bargaine if it bee with reason; if not, to give good words, for that all men are to buye as cheape as they can.

[Page 103]

3.14. A discripcion of the cittie of Moucha, with the trade and qualities.


This cittie of Moucha standeth hard by the waters side in a plaine sandye feild. It hath in it very faire buildings (after their manner) of lime and stone, and very populous, as well of Arabs as strangers merchants, and espetiallie Bananes of Guzaratt, Dabull, Dieu, Chaule, Bazim, Daman, and Sinda, as alsoe of Ormus and Muscatt, with all the coast of Melinda. This yeare there is greate reporte [[resorte?]] of marchannts and ships, because the staple, which was in former time at Zida, is at present removed (by reason of the warre which is neere that countrie) to Moucha; soe that this yeare here came from all places aboute 35 saile of ships, greate and small, from the ports before mentioned, bringinge all kinds of comodities made of cotton woll, manye sorts of gums, pretious stones of all [Page 104] sorts, store of indicoe; which yearlie cometh many marchannts from Grand Cairo, who bringe rialls of eight and chickings of gould in greate aboundance to buye these comodities and transporte them by sea and land to Grand Cairo, and from thence to Aleppo and other places in Turkey. Comonlie every yeare there cometh a shipp or twoe from the bottome of the Red Sea, from a port called Swes, and doth arrive commonlie aboute the end of Maye or the begininge of June. These ships are very ritch of rialls, gould and silks, and they retourne aboute August with all sorts of Indian comodities. All kinds of comodities are there soe deare that there is noe dealinge for us to buye them for England at the rates which they sell them to the marchannts which comes from Grand Cairo. The Guzaratts and other marchannts of India doe make profitt by their comodities, beinge butt a voyage of 20 daies saileinge from the Indias with the winde in poope and faire weather out and whome. There is one cheife marchant, a Banane, in Moucha which is over all the rest of the marchannts as Consall or Agent; soe that none can buye nor sell without his order nor shewe any comodities.

[Page 105]


This towne is unreasonable hotte, by reason that it standeth in sandie grownd and lowe; soe that the people make howses of caves (sic) on the tops of their howses to take the aire, otherwise there weare noe bidinge within the howse. There are not in the towne above 40 Turks in all, and yet they keepe the countrie in greate subjection. The countrie people generallie very good and honest; and weare a very pleasant place to bide in, were it not for the Turkes tyrannie. It is very well served with all kinde of victualls, which comes out of the countrye, and cheape. For the water, [[it]] is some thinge brakish, but not as bad as that at Aden.


[Page 106]


July 31. The winde betweene the S.W. and the S.S.W.; and wee stood away E. & by S. In the eveninge wee had sight of Aden. Then the winde came variable, with a little raine. It grewe calme, and soe contynued all night.



[Page 107]

Aug. 8. ...Very darke and mistye weather, that wee could see noe land, beeinge neere the iland of Soccotora. Soe that with a shorte saile wee laye too and againe untill ten in the forenoone, att which time wee sawe the little iland or rocke which lieth to the norward of Soccotora aboute two leagues; and standing in with it wee sawe the firme iland; standinge towards the shore with soe much winde that hardlie wee could carrie anie saile to seaze the land. Notwithstanding, aboute eight att night, with much adoe wee anchored some two leagues to the westwards of the small towne neere Socotora or Delishaa. But our pinnace, the Good Hope, was not able to seaze the land, with soe much winde that her sailes blew from the maste. In this place wee rid three daies with very much winde att S.S.W., with such flawes of the land thatt it was impossible to waye our anchour; therefore wee rid still, hopinge of faire weather.

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3.16. Of whatt passed att Socotora with the Kinge.


The Generall sendinge mee aland, I found the Kinge by the waters side, with 300 men armed with peeces and lances, as aforesaid. I had a Jewe in my companie, whome wee brought from Moucha, which could speake good Arab, Portugues and other languages very well; and comeinge to the Kinge wee shewed them [[him?]] what wee were and the cause of our cominge. He welcomed us verye kindlie, awnsweringe that any thinge that his country did affoard wee should have; [...]


[Page 109]

[...]with many other words of complements. Wee departed with a present of five goats, which he sent the Generall.

Aug. 13. The next daie, being the 13th, wee had soe much winde that wee could nott land with our boate untill the afternoone; at which time with much paine we gott the shoare with our longe boate, carryinge a present with mee to the Kinge from our Generall, vizt. a vest of cloth, a peece and a sword blade; which he kindlie received, and carryed mee to his howse, where wee dranke cohoo. His howse is three stories high, and keepeth aboute 50 soldiars att his outer gate and aboute 30 at the inner gate, with their weopons drawne in their hands; and at the entrye of his chamber there are ten armed men for the guard of his personn. The order of the Kings apparell is after the Turkish manner, with a vest of crimson velvett and a shash on his head.


[Page 110]

Aug. 14. The next daie we had all the forenoone much winde at S.E.; butt in the afternoone beinge reasonable weather, I retourned aland; and concluded with the Kinge to have of him four goats for a sword blade, and three sword blades for one cowe. Also he tould us that the place where wee rid was not good, wishinge us to goe to Delisha, a league beyond the pointe, where the Dragon and Hectour roade; that there it was a better roade and lesse winde, that we might doe our buysines at pleasure, and there was both water and stones for ballast, and he would send us both goats and cattle thether and all other things which wee wanted, and would send aboard a pylett to carrye us thether; intreatinge us to bee gone the [Page 111] sooner, because all the weomen of the towne weare runne awaie for feare of us, and before wee weare gone would not retourne to the towne; therefore he made us make the more haste to bee gone.


Aug. 16. The next daie aboute ten in the morninge wee sett saile; and aboute three the same daie wee anchored beyond the N.E. pointe, where Captaine Hawkins sett up his pinnace. As soone as wee came thether wee landed, where wee mett with the Kinge[[s]] Caia, a negro Abexim, whoe spake a little Portugues; whoe shewed us the place where the water was, which is very good water but is soe farre of that wee could not fetch it without endangeringe our men; which made us suspect some trecherie.

Aug. 17. But the next daie the Generall sent againe aland, to take in ballast and to agree with the Caia for his slaves to bringe downe water and to paie them for their paines, or elce they to leave pledges aboard the shipp while our men did fetch the water.


[Page 112]

Aug. 18. The next daie his slaves beganne to bringe downe water; and we bought of him aboute 14 C of alloes Socatrina, for 20 rialls of eight the 100 waight.

[[Aug. 19.]] And the next daie wee paid for our water, and bought a small parcell of Sanguis Draconis at 30 rialls the 100 waight. And having delivered them a writinge for the Generall for the next shipps, wee tooke our leaves and went aboard. Wee made the more hast to begone, because our pinnace was putt of and gone for Suratt, as we supposed, with four dayes victualls; which was a greate greife to us.


Aug. 29. The winde betweene the N.N.W. and the West. Our course E.N.E. untill four in the afternoone; at which time the sea began to alter, shewing very browne. Then wee sounded and had 21 fathome water.

[Page 113]


[...]the sea beeinge very white and fowle water.


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Sept. 1. The skiffe was sent againe aland with sword blades to buye more sheepe and goats, but the people would have nothing butt money. Soe they gave them money for ten more, and brought them aboard; and alsoe brought with them a Banane of the countrie, beeinge desirous to goe to Suratt in the shipp.



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Sept. 3. The next daie betimes in the morninge, beinge the 3d dicto, our carpenters begann to goe to worke upon the boate which was splitt, being alsoe determyned to make our longe boate a streake higher, the better to save our selves and the monie if need should bee, the money being taken all out of the hold and laide in the steeridge to that purpose. All hands went to worke aboute providinge our boats this daie till the eveninge, but could not end one of them, before our shipp at a low water and turninge of the tide begann to wend aboute; and as wee suppose that in wendinge the anchour, haveing but one flucke, cast the [Page 117] wrong end downwards, soe that our ship did drive with the tide upon the shoaldes; and aboute five at night she begann to strike very hard with the force of the winde and tyde; and presentlie soundinge the pumpe there was 11 [[foote]] water in the hold. Our men went to the pumpe chearfullie, seeinge noe other remedye to save their lyves; yet all in vaine, for the water came in much faster then they weare able to free itt. Notwithstandinge they did what they could, while other[[s]] went aboute to see if the skiffe could be ended, to save our lives before the turninge of the tide, for feare least the shipp would over throwe with the tyde, as noe doubt shee did. But by night our carpenters made as much haste as they could to mend the skiffe, having noe hope nowe to make the longe boate heigher, neyther to mend the skiffe as she ought to bee, but for hast nayled on boards in the sides of noe force, and chinked it with okom within side in the seames and with a stronge roape wreathed the boate to keepe the sides together, havinge noe time to doe it otherwise, the shipp being alreadye founded, lookinge still when shee would overthrowe with the seeles which she made from one side to the other. We kept contynuall pumpinge and balling of water while the skiffe was providinge, to keepe her from fallinge, beeinge once full of water; but all would not serve turne, for they weare faine to putt the skiffe overboard before shee was fitted, that beeing out they could hardlie keepe her above water; yet the carpenters and seven or eight more of our men (all to the number of thirteen persons) went into her with bucketts and shovells to throwe out the water to keepe her till the morninge that they might see better to mend her.

The skiffe beinge overboard aboute ten at night the [Page 118] Generall had advise given him that some who shall goe namelesse had consulted to gett into the longe boate and cutt her of, to save themselves and whome they pleased, doubtinge that the boats not [[being?]] able to carrie all our men, that there would be a mutinie (as comonly there is att such times) and by that meanes all lose their lives. The Generall advised me of itt, and told me that he would gett in two chests of money into the longe boate, and goe in with it himselfe, to keepe the boate from cuttinge of. And cawsinge the longe boate to be hailed up under the ships starne, brought two chests of money to putt them out of the gallery into the boate ; but the marriners, having notice thereof, stoode on the pumpe with half pikes, swereinge that they would kill the first that should sett hand to putt in any chest of monie; which the Generall perceiveinge, lefte all and went into the ladder out of the gallery into the boate, biddinge me to come with him. Soe I followed him; but he beinge in the boate, with the sea and tide she was putt astarne the shipp, leavinge mee hanginge by the hands on the ladder; and before she could come up to take mee in, there were soe many on my backe that they had almost throwne mee into the sea, as in the end they did. The next unto me, I remember well, was Robert Covert, soe laden with mony of the Companies that he could not hardlie goe. Hee, I saye, with all his money was on my backe. I entreated him that he would either goe backe, or suffer mee, for I was not able to abide any longer, I hanginge onelie by the hands and he on my backe; but he awnswered me that nowe there was noe respect of persons, that it was every one for himselfe. Life beeing sweete, with greate paines I hunge by the hands untill the boate came to take mee in. But the sea beeinge highe, and the shipp fetchinge such careers from side to side that the boate dare not to come neare the shipp, for feare of splittinge her; soe that I, seeinge noe remedye, not able to abide any longer, [Page 119] I gave a springe to gett into the boate. But the gas roape that the boate was made faste withall, stroke me overboard; but I tooke hold of the roape, butt the boate fell againe a starne the shipp. Soe I hanginge by the roape was ducked soe longe under water that my memory began to faile mee. Soe I lett goe the roape, thinkinge to swime to the boate; but the force of the tide and the waight of my cloathes kept mee under water. Butt my memorie not quite gone, I was stirred to shifte for my life; which with all the force I made to gett above water, and beeing cast astarne the shipp with the tide, my head appeared above water at the starne of the longe boate; which the boteson perceived, not thinkinge it had bene my selfe, havinge given mee over for dead, thought it to be some clothes throwne by the board, putt downe his hand and tooke mee by the collar and drewe me in little better then dead; the Lord alwayes bee praised for it. Had not His omnipotent hand saved mee by His miraculous mercye, I had bene drowned; the Lord make mee alwaies thankfull for itt.


[Page 120]

Sept. 4. Aboute two in the morninge, our men being all embarked, wee fitted our selves to sett saile, stowinge our selves in such sorte as wee would contynue untill it pleased God to send us to land, with a saile round aboute the sides of the boate to keepe out the suffe of the sea, and our men sittinge round aboute the boate side with the edge of the canvas under them, with two men provided to take their turnes to bale out the water that came in over the boats side; the rest all stowed one upon annother.

[Page 121]


[...]smoothnes of the sea was because it was then a full sea. Havinge hoisted our saile, wee stoode awaye S.E. untill daie ; then wee steered E.S.E., the water very fowle, but wee had noe lead nor line to sound, neyther could any stand to doe itt. Aboute nine the sea was very cleare, wee supposinge as then to be in the channell, and deepe water, and the channell where the shipps did usuallie come in and out from Suratt. This channell was aboute four leagues broad, for wee were three howers passinge of itt, and then wee came into fowle water againe. And aboute two in the afternoone wee sawe high land of Daman, butt could not see the lowe land untill four; att which tyme there fell a shower of raine, with a flawe of winde which broke the thought which stayed the boats maste, blowinge forward the saile on the boats head, that wee weare in greate danger of sinkinge; but noe man durst to move untill the gust was past.

[Page 122]


Although wee knewe not where wee weare, yet wee purposed to land before night to save our lives. But as soone as wee weare over the barre, wee perceyved a boate at saile over the land in a river; to the mouth of which river wee steered. Which when the Banane that came with us [[saw, he?]] knewe it to be the river of Gandivee, aboute four leagues to the southward of Suratt. There came manie of the countrye people to see us, but wee could speake with none.


Soe saileinge up the river, wee had some speech with some of the countrye, whoe tould us of the pinnace [Page 123] and the Portugalls, wishinge us to bee gone, for if they knewe of us they would bee soone with us. Soe wee rowed up the river till ten at night and then wee went aland to stretch our leggs, beeinge a faire mooneshine, giveinge God thanks for our delivery; but wee had neither meate nor drinke, onlie the water of the river. Butt as soone as I sett foote on the land the water burst out of my nose like a tappe or fosett for the space of a quarter of an hower. Soe that by channce there was one that had a little alligant in a bottle, which he gave me to drinke; otherwise I thinke I had fainted with the extreame rumbling in my head. But, God be praysed, in shorte time I was well; but had noe victualls till the next daie at night. Before wee went farre into the river, wee sawe a juncke cominge over the barre. Wee sent our skiffe to her with the Banane, who brought us word of our marrchannts beeing at Suratt, and the men which weare gone out of the pinnace; for this juncke was come from the barre of Suratt this daie att noone.

[Page 124]


In the meane time that wee were stayinge for the tide there came the Mocadan or constable of that circuite to us, demandinge us what wee weare, havinge with him aboute 20 armed men, amongst the which there was one that could speake Portugues. Wee told him of our mishapp, who seemed to be very sorrowfull of our distresse, and gave us very comfortable words, sayinge that the losse of our goods was nothinge in respect of our lives, which [[it had]] pleased God to lend us and bringe into a good countrye that wanted nothinge, where wee should finde manie freinds; much wondringe thatt wee had escaped the Portugalls which laie at the barre with the friggatts; counsailinge us to goe further up the river as soone as the tide came, because hee doubted thatt the friggatts, having newes of us, would come in with the tide to take us, which they might well have done without any resistannce of the countrye people or us.

[Page 126]


The Governor welcomed us in the best manner, entreatinge us to rest our selves while they made ready such victualls as was to bee had, which was rice with butter and fruite, for the Governor is an Abramane, whoe doth never eate of any live thinke, and therefore he prayed us to pardon him, that it was against his lawe. But it did serve us very well, for this was the third daye that wee had not eate anie thinke; soe that wee weare very hungrie.

At this Governors howse there laye a fugitive Portugall, whoe made us beleive that we should all bee searched for our money and jewells as soone as wee came to Suratt; animating us to leave all such money as wee had with the [Page 127] Governor and him untill wee weare seated at Suratt, and then wee might send for it; all which he did without the Governours knowledge, thinkinge to gett some thinge into his hands. As for the Governor, he used us very kindlie and wold not receyve any thinge of us. Wee presented him with 200 rialls of eight and he would not take it, desiringe us when our shipps came to give him somethinge from our countrye. Notwithstandinge, the next daie when wee departed wee gave him a sword, a dagger, and a ringe, with many other promises which the Generall made him to send from Suratt, but nothinge performed, although the Generall kept the 200 rialls which hee had gathered amongst the companie, to buye some toyes at Suratt and send him in recompence of the courtesie done us, as alsoe to the pinnasses men, whoe had beene there ten daies before in the same case. As soone as wee came to Gandivee, the Generall sent a man of purpose to carrie a letter to the marchannts at Suratt and to bringe us present awnsweare. Havinge well refreshed our selves this night, the Governour provided some horses and some pallankins for us. After he had made us a breakfast with rice, bread, cakes, and fruits of divers sorts and sweete meats wee departed.

3.19. Whatt passed after our departure from Gandivee towards Suratt; and at our cominge to Suratt.


Sept. 6. Aboute nine in the morninge we sett forwards towardes Suratt, accompanied with four of the Governours men to conduct us, with six horses and four pallinkins; the rest of the shipps companie, some rid on bullocks [Page 128] and some went on foote. This daie wee passed twoe rivers, in passage boats, the rivers beeinge deepe, and came to lodge in a towne called Nassaria, a greate towne aboute 15 miles distannt from Gandivee, where wee lodged all night on the topp of an hill in a ruinated castell. Butt wee came soe suddenlie into the castle that the people which were in itt armed themselves against us; butt wee havinge retired our selves, and our guides havinge talked with them, they were presentlie satisfied, and used us with greate kindnes. These twoe townes of Gandivee and Nassaria, espetiallie Nassaria, doe make greate store of baftas, being townes which stand in a very firtill and good countrie. In this towne there are manie of a strange kinde of religion called Parsyes. These people are very tall of stature and white people. There religion is farre different from the Moores or Banians, for they doe adore the fire, and doe contynuallie keepe their fire burninge for devotion, thinkinge that if the fire should goe out, that the world weare at an end; and if the fire of their howses bee out, they must not goe [[to?]] their neighbours to fetch fire, butt must goe to the holie fire, as they tearme itt. When anie of these people dye, they never burye them, butt sett them upright in a place provided for the purpose, in any open feild; where the fowles of the ayre eate and consume their flesh, but the doggs nor other beasts cannott come at itt, because it is walled round aboute and open above.

Sept. 7. Aboute seven in the morninge wee sett forward from this towne, where the most parte of our companie gott bullocks to ride on. Butt our people [Page 129] havinge bene well refreshed with a kinde of drinke of the pamita tree called taddy, they beganne to bee unrulie, and espetiallie the steward Covett, whoe told the Generall that hee would noe longer bee comanded by him but would take the horses that weare provided for others to ride on; giveinge the Generall very unreverent speeches, whoe beeinge moved thereatt strooke him with his fiste and feld him to the grownde; but all was pacified for that time.


With this could comfort wee went on our journey untill wee came neere the walls of Suratt, neere unto a faire tanke or sestron, of a mile [Page 130] aboute, full of water, with manga trees round aboute it very pleasannt. At this ta[[n]]ke wee weare stayed.


Sept. 8. The next morninge Mr. Finch came to us, tellinge us that there was noe lycence to be grannted to come into the towne; and therefore by his order wee removed to the other side of the tanke or sestron, where there was a very faire toombe in a very pleasant place full of trees, where wee laye the next night. And the next daie, beinge the 9th dicto, came manie of the cheife men of the towne to visitt our Generall, and brought presennts of eatinge thinges, as bread, rice, fruite etc.


[Page 132]

Our shipps companie with the Generall beinge at the village weare very well content, beecause it was a very pleasannt place, and wanted nothinge; but our men, with palmita drinke and reason wine made themselves beasts, and soe fell to lewde weomen, which went thether to that purpose, that in shorte time manie fell sicke, and others in their drinke fell to quarrellinge one with annother.


These Bananes in all the India doe give the Kinge of Mogoll a greate some of money because noe cowes nor any bullocke or calfe should bee killed in the countrie; wherefore the Kinge commandeth this lawe to bee most straightlie kept by his officers in all provinces. The Bananes victualls which they eate is milke, butter, rice and fruite, with sweete meates of all sorts.

[Page 134]

3.20. A breife discourse of whatt passed in Suratt after the departure of our men from [[for]] Agra.


After their departure from Suratt towards Agra, every man would comand and doe whatt they liste, for all their newe captaine; soe that before he was five dayes journey from Suratt he fell sicke with distaste of his newe soldiars, that at the next good towne he staied, with some four or five personns. The rest of them some went one waye and some annother, and some came back againe to Suratt, except some twelve persons whoe kept companie with the Generall untill hee came to Baramporte, aboute fifteen daies journey from Suratt, where Captaine Sharpeigh fell sicke; and then they all left him, saveinge the surgeon and annother, every one followinge his owne course as longe as the money lasted.

[Page 139]


Aboute the end of October I receyved a letter from Captaine Hawkins, sent by his man Nicholas Ufflett, willinge mee to make present sale of all the leade, att what price soever, and bringe the money to Agra with all expedicion. But I had not aboute [[above?]] 20 piggs to sell; which I soone made dispatch of, and received in all my debts which I had made, and bought some cloves and baftas of Broche (accordinge to the Captaines order), and [Page 140] the rest of the money I passed by exchannge to Baramport with some gaine, aboute five pro cent proffitt. But before my departure I thought to have called Phillip Grove to accompt for money which he had taken out of John Johnsons chest. He dieing with eateing opium betwixt Cambaia and Suratt, leavinge his money in his chest at Cambaia, Grove tooke to himselfe to the value of 300 rialls of eight.


Oct. 15. This daie in the afternoone, havinge finished all buysines, I went to the Tanke of Suratt with all our provision for the jorney, accompanied with Nicholas Ufflett, Nicholas Bangam, Bartholomew Davye, and Thomas Stiles, [...]


Western India, showing Jourdain's routes
Hakluyt Society, Second Series, Vol. 16.


[Page 142]


Oct. [[Dec. ]] 22. I departed from Narranporte, and came to Daytta, eight cosses. This towne is greate and belongeth likewise to Pertabshaa, and is his cheifest towne, standinge in a very fertill countrye by a river side very pleasant.

[Page 143]


Oct. [[Dec.]] 24. I parted from Badorc and came to Nunderbarr, seven coses. This is a stronge cittie walled, with a castell in itt standinge by a river side. There is made here much clothinge of the finer sorte, as birames and serebaffe.

[Page 144]


Oct. [[Dec.]] 28. I parted from Talnar and came to Chuppera, fifteen cosses; a greate walled towne, standinge by a river.

Oct. [[ Dec.]] 29. I parted from Chuppera and came to a small village called Rawde, six cosses; where wee rest till the third of Januarye to ease our carriadges, as alsoe because wee had some raine and darke weather.


[Page 145]

Jan. 6. I departed from Badorpore and came to Baramporte, [...]


This cittye is never without sicknes, by reason of the greate recourse of people. Here I fell sicke of a flixe and fever; butt havinge ended our buysines I lett not to travaile. Many of the Assentions men died in this towne.


This cittie [Page 146] doth abound in makeinge of fine baftaies, bairames, serebafts, rich turbants and girdles of silke and gould. To this towne there is trade from all places of the India, and the Decanes may freelie come to buye and sell, although at warrs.

[Page 147]


Jan. 21. I departed from Becull and came to Eccabarbore, ten cosses; a prettye towne standinge by a faire river, which cometh from Broche, neere Cambaia, and from thence yt falleth into the sea.


The river is as broad as the Thames. It is verye ill to passe with camells laden, for it is shole but at one place, which is very full of stones; and therefore the most parte doth passe in boats which are for the purpose; in which wee passed our horses.

Jan. 22. I departed from Eccabarpore and came to the cittie of Mando, nine coses.


It hath within the cittie sixteen standing tanks or sestrons of water, because it standeth soe high upon a hill there is noe other water then whatt is of the raine in these sesterns.

[Page 148]


By the cituation of this cittie, the walls, castle and gates which yett are to bee seene, it seemeth to [[have]] beene one of the greatest and strongest cittyes in the world.


Att the north gate there are five gates, one within annother, very stronge, because att this side itt is not soe steepe as att other places, but men may easilie come att yt with burdens. By these gates the cittie was served with all kinde of victualls in tyme paste.

[Page 149]


Towards the east gate of this cittye is all pasture and pleasannt land of corne and fruite.

[Page 150]


Jan. 29. Wee departed from Sunearra and came to Pimplgang, ten coses; but beinge a ragged place I went farther four coses, to a cittye called Sarampore, a greate cittie by the rivers side, with a faire castle in itt. Here is greate trade for all sorts of cloathinge which are made.

Jan. 30. We departed from Sarampore and came to Cuckra, seven coses; a place that yeilds much graine and opium.


Feb. 1. Wee departed from Delute and came to Burrou, [Page 151] seven coses. This towne yeildeth greate plentye of corne and butter.

Feb. 2. Wee departed from Burrou and came to Suckerra, seven coses; a ragged village.

Feb. 3. Wee departed from Suckerra and came to the cittye of Sarrange, nine coses. This cittye is greate, and lyeth att the foote of a high mountayne, with a castell att the topp. It stands in a very fertile soile, and doth yeild very rich pintados of divers sorts and rich shashes with silke and gould, from 5 ma. to 200 ma. a peece.


Feb. 7. I departed from Collybaye and came to the cittye of Guallier, twelve coses; a pretty walled cittie, in a firtile and pleasant soile.

[Page 152]


Feb. 12. I departed from Autro and came to a cittye called Gullier, six coses, a stonye and bad waye. In this towne there is a very faire and stronge castell, on the topp of a high mountayne of rocke which is aboute six miles aboute. It is very stronge both of people and ordinance, and verye faire buildings. There is noe water within ytt; onlie what doth rayne, they take itt in four greate tanks or sesterns. Att the gate of the castle, at the entry there is a carved stone made in fashion of an elaphannt curiouslie wrought. Within the castle is the Kings howse, very [Page 153] faire, the walls of greene and blewe stone, with many towers ritch guilded with gould. All traytours are sent prisonners to this castle, because yt is very stronge ; but whoe soever is committed to this place there is butt little hope ever to come out. The towne is cituated at the foote of the castell, and yeildeth all sorts of cloathinge and opium.

[Page 154]

3.23. Of whatt passed in Agra in the tyme of my beeinge there, viz.―


Att my comeinge to Agra, I was presentlie informed that Captaine Hawkins was in some disgrace with the Kinge for three causes.

[Page 156]


Nowe Abdelasan, knowinge thatt Captaine Hawkins was a great drinker, feed the porter to come neere to Captaine Hawkins (as is supposed) to smell if he had drunke any stronge drink, which is easilie discerned by one that is fastinge. Soe the cheife porter findinge that Captaine Hawkins had drunke, hee presentlye carryed him before the Kinge, in presence of the whole courte, where by the mouth of Abdelasan, being secretary, it was tould the Kinge thatt he had drunke stronge drinke. Whereat the Kinge pauzed a little space, and consideringe that he was a stranger, he bid him goe to his howse, and when hee came next he should not drinke. Soe, beeing disgraced in publique, he could not be suffred to come into [Page 157] his accustomed place neere the Kinge; which was the cause that he went not soe often to courte. These were the first occasions of his disgrace.

[Page 159]


Nowe leavinge Mr. Finch with his determinacion, it followeth, vizt.― The Kinge all this time was not yet come from his huntinge, but was looked for within shorte time.


After the Kinges cominge to the cittie, havinge rested himselfe two or three daies, he beganne to sitt abroad, as he was accustomed, four howers every daie to heare all mens cawses, two howers in the forenoone and two howers in the afternoone. The rest of the daie he employeth in seeing elaphannts to fight, and other sports. One of his sports is to bringe forth a wild lyon and lett him loose amonge the people, to see if there be any soe hardie as to stand against the lion; which if there bee, he is a man for him, and will doe him greate favor.

[Page 161]


Nowe havinge spent two or three monnethes in Agra to little purpose, and knowinge that Captaine Hawkins would nott truste anie man to employe the Companies money to any proffitt, and the time begininge to drawe on to goe for Suratt to meete the shipps, I told him my determinacion was to goe for Suratt, and from thence to Mossopotan if shipps came nott. Hee was very desirous to have mee staye with him to goe for Goa; that seeinge hee could have noe meanes of the Mogoll, that he would goe for Goa with his wife and familie.

[Page 162]


3.24.1. Of the Citty of Agra; with the territoryes of the Greate Mogoll. Of his forces and charge.

This Cittie of Agra is one of the biggest in the world. Itt is by reporte farre greater then Grand Cairo. It is well seated in a very firtill soile and by a river called Jeminy, which river goeth to Bengala, and into the river cometh parte of the river of Ganges, which is three daies journey from Agra. There is yearlie carryed from Agra to Bengala above 10,000 tonns of salte in greate barges of four and five hundred tonns apeece. The marchannts have there tents sett up in the barge as in a feild. These barges are very longe and broad and very well made accordinge to the manner. There are within the cittye manie faire buildinges, butt they stand soe scattered one from annother [Page 163] as though they weare afraid one of annother; and the reason is that every greate man must have his howse by himselfe, because round aboute his howse lyeth all his servannts, every one in his owne howse, with their horses. Soe that by this meanes the most parte of the cittye is strawe howses, which once or twice a yeare is burnt to the ground, if they take not the better heed. The Kinge lyeth within the castle, which is a very faire and stronge castell, att least two miles aboute. The walls thereof are of very faire red stone, and at least five fathome highe, with battlements and towers round aboute. When you are within the castle you are as in a cittie, where all things is to bee sould.


The Kings elaphannts doe alsoe keepe watch, and come as dulie to the Kinge to doe their dutye as the men; for when the Kinge beholds them they all att once putt their truncks over their heads giveinge the salam to the Kinge; then they departe, for they will not be gone before the Kinge looks on them; then they march by degrees with their pages before them and there wives after them. Every elaphannt riall hath two or four younge elaphannts for their pages, and two wives which followe them, alias shee elaphannts. They are very ritchlie trapped with velvett, cloth of gould, and other ritch stuffes.

[Page 164]


The cittie is 12 coses longe by the rivers side, which is above 16 miles; and at the narrowest place yt is three miles broade. It is walled, but the suburbs are joyned to the walls, that weare it not for the gates you could not knowe when you weare within the walls or without. There are many faire sarrayes in this cittie, wher travailours may lodge for little or nothinge.


This cittie is of greate trade from all places. Here you maye finde marchannts thatt will passe money to all places of the Indias, Persia, and Aleppo.


The Kinge is at greate charge in expence of his howse and for [Page 165] his beasts, as horses, camells, dromedaries, coaches, and elaphannts. It was crediblie reported to Captaine Hawkins in my presence by the Kings purveyour for his beasts, that every daie in the yeare he spent in meate for them 70,000 ripeas, which is 35,000 rialls of eight.


Haveinge passed five monnethes in this cittie, veiwing the strangenes of itt, the winter begininge nowe to end, wee determyned to speake with the Kinge before our departure, to have from him his passe to travayle to Cambaia and Suratt.


And being the custome, when he granteth any mans request, to give a reverence unto him [Page 166] in this manner, vizt. to laye your hand three times from the ground to your head, and then to kneele and putt your head to the grownd; which the Kings father-in-lawe caused us to doe before he gave us the Kings awnsweare; then hee told us the Kinge had grannted our desire, and wee should come to him for itt.

[Page 167]


Havinge finished all our buysines, and were to take our leaves of Captaine Hawkins, he out of his liberalitye gave l00 ma[[hmūdīs]] towards my expence downe, which is four pound sterlinge; which I would have refused butt that I thought itt better to departe in peace then ortherwise.


[Page 168]


July 29. Wee departed from Crowley and came to the cittye of Fettypore, a greate cittye, walled, with a very faire castle. The building within the cittie is much decayed. It hath bene the seate of a kinge in former tyme. The indico is made neere this cittie, att annother towne a side {(sic)} of, called Biana, where Mr. Finch bought his indico.

[Page 169]


Aug. 10. Wee came from Sittill to Asmiere, seven coses. This is a citty where the Kinge hath a howse for his recreation when hee goeth a huntinge. It hath alsoe a castle and is a walled towne, butt not stronge.

[Page 171]


The 8 of September wee came to Amadavar, which is the principall cittye of Guzaratt, where there is a Vizeroy for the Mogoll. This cittie is one of the fairest cittyes in all the Indias, both for buildinge and strength as alsoe for bewtye, and scituated in a pleasant soile, and hath much trade by reason of much cloathinge which is made within the cittye, as baftas, birames, pintados and all other sorts of cloath. Likewise it is in the harte of the country for [Page 172] indico, beinge neere the towne of Serques, where there is much indico made, as alsoe in many other villages neere adjoyneinge, which all goeth under the name of Serques.


Sept. 14. The 14th of September I came to Cambaia, where I was extreame sicke of a fever and flix; [...]


Sept. 30. The Vizeroye sent for us, and att our comeinge hee demanded us wheather wee had any newes of English shipps that weare come to the barre of Suratt. Wee told him that wee had noe newes of any. Then he tould us that there weare three ships and a pinnace come to Suratt; thatt a friggott which came then to the porte mett with them and spake with them, and [[they?]] demanded for the English men att Suratt; which the Vizeroye seemed to bee very [Page 173] joyfull of their comeinge, wished us to provide our selves to bee gone as soone as wee might, and he would write a letter to his brother, which was his deputy att Suratt, to use us with all kindnes; and thatt he would provide two pallakins to carrye us to Suratt, because wee had sould our horses, and hee would send a dozen of his men to conduct us. Which the next daie, being the second of August [[October]], wee tooke our journey towards Suratt, and departed from Cambaia.

Although itt be somethinge tedious to sett downe every cittye with the circumstances of the trade of them, yett because this cittye of Cambaia is one of the best cittyes in all India for beautye and trade, I hould itt nott amisse to sett downe the principall traffique of this cittye, beeinge the staple towne where the Portugalls every yeare doe come with many friggotts out of all places, principallie from Goa, to fetch the comodities which are bought by Portugall factours which are leagers in Cambaia, Amadavar, Broche, and other places; all which goods beinge bought in any place of India are brought to Cambaia and there shippd for Goa in friggatts, which come in fleets two or three times from September to December, guarded by the Portugall armatho of friggatts; soe thatt you shall see 200 friggatts in a fleete goinge or comeinge from Cambaia to helpe lade the carricks att Goa. Their ladinge which they carrye from Cambaia is all sorts of fine cloath of cotton, much indico (which is brought from all places to bee shipped there as is aforesaid), all kinde of druggs, which are bought in Cambaia and many other places of India and sent hither against the time of the yeare. The countrye where the meaner sorte of indicoe is made is neere to Cam- [Page 174] baia, as Barodora and Saroll, as all the [[alsoe?]] Serques; soe that there are in this cittie more marchannts that sell indicoe then att Amadavar; for it is to bee understoode thatt the indicoe beinge named Serques is not all made within the towne, butt round aboute the countrye of Amadavar and Cambaia; besides all the indico which is att Barodora and Saroll is the like. All which the most parte cometh to Cambaia to bee sould; as alsoe other thinges thatt are in India att the time of the caffolla cometh, as they call them, which is the fleete of friggotts. Soe much for the trade of Cambaia. The strength of this cittie, weare itt in Christians handes, they would not care for a greate force; for that the walls thereof are very stronge, and at every gate there are two or three gates one within the other. In every streete is a castell, for after you are within the streets you cann see nothinge untill the porter open annother gate, where you must goe in att a little dore; then shall you see all thinges to bee sould within the cirquite; and soe is every streete throughout the cittie, that you may goe in the comon streete and scarce see a man before you enter into those little wicketts. Soe that from their howses they may kill a multitude of people, if they are provided for itt.

[Page 175]


Butt goinge over the river of Cambaia we wett all our stuffe, the water beeinge highe and the streame soe swifte that itt is very dangerous goinge over, because it is att least half a mile over, and deepe to the arme pitts; soe that the people are faine to hold hand in hand to gett over, otherwise the tyde would carrye them awaie, as itt hath manie, both horses, coatches and men drowned.


After our comeinge to Suratt wee presentlie went to the Governour, Macrobean his brother, and delivered his letter; whoe made unto us many promises of freindshipp, and willed us to write unto the Generall that any thinge which laye in him to pleasure us, that hee would to the uttmost performe itt.


As alsoe he willed us to buye fresh [Page 176] victualls for him and send itt out by a boate of the countrye; and if the Portugalls did take itt, it weare no matter. Soe wee bought wheate, rice and bread with other provisions, to the valewe of 200 rialls of eight, and sent itt out by the boates of the towne; butt the Portugalls tooke itt from them and mocked att us, bidinge them to will us to send them more refreshinge.

[Page 177]


Wee departed by night and the next morninge wee came to Swalley, wheare [Page 178] the Portugalls weare washinge of their cloathes. Wee laye in the towne till the eveninge, that they went aboard. They knewe mee not because of my apparrell.

[Page 180]


Nowe the Generall perceyveinge this to bee a good place to land our goods and send yt to Suratt, he sent to Nicholas Bangham that if anie would trade with him that hee should advise the Governor thereof; and that if itt pleased him to take the paines to come downe that they might conferre with him, that he doubted not but they should agree upon very good tearmes.

[Page 181]


If itt weare a thinge that liked him he would have itt whatsoever itt cost. He gave many of the cheifest of the shipp presents of five or ten rialls worth of comodities to each, which he brought for the purpose.

[Page 185]


Wee havinge received all our comodities accordinge to promise, and our lead and other comodities delivered accordinglie, the Generall would have me to goe to Suratt to see whatt might bee done aboute the elaphannts teeth and broad cloth, which was not in the bargaine; onelie they bought all the leade and quicksilver, red leade and velvett.

[Page 189]


3.26.1. The kingdomes belonging to the Greate Mogoll; with the reason of his sodden settinge forth of an armye of 400,000 horse.

Cabull. Casmeir. Candahar. Ballucke. Delly. Cambaia. Sinde. Bengalla. Potann. Mandoa. Guallier. Hassier. Amadavar. Part [[of]] Decan. Pierb is 400 cose longe, and hath bene the seate of four kinges.

[Page 190]

In every of these provinces there is a vizeroye under the Mogoll; and the least of these hath the paye of 6000 horse, and some 12,000. Besides there are many other little countryes where there is onelie governours, men of 3000 horse to 1000 horse. Of these there are many; and haddyes, which are pentioners from the paye of one horse to ten, there are an infinite number. The paie of each horse is worth betweene 40 and 43 ropeas per monneth. All these men which have the paie of soe many horse allowed them are to have their full complement readye att any time that the Kinge comandeth them to goe forth to warrs; soe that his warrs cost him nothinge, for the paye of these horse is raysed upon the countrye whereof each is governor, accordinge to the number of horse.

[Page 191]


3.27.1. Our course from Sually roade to Dabull.

Feb. 9. The Trades Encrease warped over the barre of Sually, wee havinge stayed two daies for the cominge of Nicholas Ufflett and Jadoo, that was att Cambaia aboute some buysines of Captaine Hawkins. Being without the barre, wee stayed till the 11th, fittinge all things pridie to sett saile. In the meane time wee mett with a friggott laden with rice and pitch bound to the Queenes shipp the Beheme [[Reheme]], ridinge att Gogo.


Feb. 12. Wee sett saile from the barre of Suratt, and wee mett with twoe Mallabar shipps laden with coker nutts and racke bound for Suratt. From one of them [Page 192] wee tooke a pylott to carry us to Dabull. In the eveninge wee ankored aboute three leagues of the barre, the tyde beeinge soe stronge against us that wee could nott gett ahead.

Feb. 13. Wee sett saile aboute seven in the morninge, and wee mett with two Mallabar shipps more, laden with coker nutts as the other. Wee spake with them and lett them departe.

[Page 193]


Feb. 17. Wee tooke a fisherman, by whome the Generall sent letters which hee had brought from Moucha from a captaine of a shipp to the Governour in the Generalls behalfe; and the same daie the Governor sent to vizitt the Generall, with a present of fresh victualls in greate plentye. The Generall retourned him annother by four of the marchannts, which he sent aland with itt, willinge them to knowe of the Governor if hee would give us trade. Hee awnswered very kindlie thatt himselfe would give money for all our cloath; with many other promises and complements.


Feb. 19. The next daie we landed againe to knowe the Governours ultima concerninge our cloath and other comodities; where wee found him sittinge in his state at his howse, with many cheife men of the towne with him.

[Page 194]


This daie the winde blewe soe hard thatt wee could nott gett aboard, thatt wee were forced to staie aland all night. Soe wee went to the Governour to entreate him to ordaine us a house to lodge in all night; which he presentlie gave order for, and told us that he was sorry wee would departe soe soone without sellinge any of our comodities; sayinge farther that because wee should knowe thatt he was willinge to deale with us, hee would give us four royalls of eight for a covedo of such broade cloath as he liked, and two rialls for a covedo of the kersey, and 38 rialls of eight for 25 ma[[ns]] of leade, which maketh Suratt weight 20 mans. Att thatt price he would take 14 peeces of broad cloath and 8 peeces of kersey (but he would chuse the colours), and he would take all the leade. Wee demanded more of him, puttinge him off untill wee had acquaynted the Generall. Soe for this time wee tooke our leaves and departed to our lodginge, which was the sarraye of the towne, causinge itt to bee made very cleane and putt out those that lodged in itt. He sent greate store of victualls, and his servannts to attend us untill wee had eaten.

Feb. 20. The next morninge early wee went aboard and acquaynted the Generall with his offer for our comodities, leaveinge the purser and other aland to provide such provision as was necessary for the shipps.

[Page 196]


[...]if they were Portugalls to bringe them into the roade. In the companie of the ship there was a great frigatt laden with rice, bound for Ormus. They tooke both the shipp and the friggott, and brought them to the roade the next daie; at which time the Generall went aboard to search the shipp, and found her to bee laden with coker nutts, except some 52 c[[wt]] of Lankin silke and some cinamon of Selan; all which the Generall tooke from them, in satisfaccion of parte of the wronge there countryemen had done him att Suratt; as alsoe he tooke as much rice out of the frigatt as hee needed, as alsoe other provision; for all which he gave them a noate of his hand, and they gave him annother wherein was sett downe all things which was taken from them.

[Page 197]


3.28.1. A discription of Dabull, the towne and porte.

Dabull standeth in 17 degrees, 34 minutes; variation 17 degrees. Itt is a bard harbor, and narrowe att the entrannce of the barre; there 2 1/2 fathome water att a lowe ebb, and att full sea 4 1/2. The goinge in is at the souther side. You may goe close by the rocks and there is the deeper water. The breadth of the barre att entringe is not above a cabells length, butt presentlie itt goeth broader and broder untill you come to the towne, which is aboute two miles within the barre. When you come before the towne there is a goodlie harbour, where a shipp may ride in eight fathome with a fishinge line for any winde that hurte.

The towne standeth in a valley environed aboute with highe mountaines; soe that it is very hott to them which are not used to itt. The Governor and greate men have faire houses; the rest are poore cottages, as in all other parts of India, which lives like the fishes in the sea, the greater eate the lesser.

[Page 198]


This kinge is the cheife of five kings which maynetaine warre with the Mogoll. This countrie is very firtill, and yeildeth store of all sortes of fine cloathinge, as baftas, birams, shasses and many other sortes; as alsoe indico, and diamonds, greate store of the newe rocke, and many other stones of little valewe.


In this towne of Dabull lyeth a factour for the Portugalls contynuallie, who giveth passes by the Vizeroyes aucthoritie to all their shipps which goe for the Red Sea, Ormus, and other places; butt if they bee found carryinge powder, shott or any other munition, or pepper, cinamon, with divers other comodities, it is confiscated; butt much of these comodityes doe passe with a bribe given to the factour, which is the cheifest of his vailes. This factour hath 2000 pardas of the Kinge of Spaine per yeare, butt his vailes, alias bribes, are greate. Alsoe he hath license that none may sell racke or reason wine within the towne butt himselfe, which is good proffitt to him, butt for his license he giveth the Governour 2000 laruns per yeare. [Page 199] It is butt a base factory, for hee is no better then the hoste of an alehowse, for he selleth both drinke and meate, as all kindes of fruits which hee hath growinge within his garden. Butt he was much ashamed that wee should knowe that hee sould these thinges, butt the saylours were never out of his house. With these pettye matters it is worth by reporte 15 or 16,000 pardoas per annum. This towne hath of all nations tradinge in itt, and is very populous of itt selfe and greate. It hath a small castell standinge by the waters side within the towne; it hath two small peeces in itt, and is of noe force.


[Page 200]


March 25. A faire gale at E.S.E. In the morninge wee weare faire by the iland of Soccatora, the west parte. Then wee steered N.W. And this night we came betwixt the iland of Soccatora and the rocke which lyeth aboute three leagues of. It fell calme; and the current settinge upon the rocke, weare forced to anchour till the morninge in [[blank]] fathome half a mile from the rocke.

[Page 201]


March 28. In the morninge wee weare hard aboard the shoare, betweene Cape Guardafu and Cape Felix. Then the Generall cawsed the friggott to be manned, and the skiffe to attend her, and went himselfe in the friggatte, accompanyed with Captaine Sharpeigh and my selfe. The Generall appointed the shipps to come to anchour wheare they sawe us anchour, neere the shoare. Approachinge to the land, wee landed betweene the twoe capes to see if wee could finde water or other refreshing; where wee spake with some of the countrye people, whoe told us that four Indian shipps were already passed into the Red Sea ; which after wee perceived to bee Generall Sarrys fleete. They tould us that there was not any water at this place, butt att the westward of Mount Felix there was fresh water and other refreshinge; and they came into the friggatt and went with us to the place. Butt these are a kinde of savage people, for they tooke us to bee Indians and of Mahometts lawe; otherwise they would not have come neere us. Butt comeinge to the place wee could neither finde water nor any thinge elce, onelie a little hole that was digged in the grownd above a mile up, which was digged for cattle to drinke and was very brackish. Wee had this afternoone soe much winde that the poore friggott could hardlie beare any saile; therefore wee ankored neere the shoare, and the shipps came to anchour to the offinge [Page 202] of us, in nine fathome water. It seemeth at this place as if there weare a river, butt itt is the arme of the sea that cometh within the land and maketh an iland. There is good shoaldinge all alongst the coaste; a lowe land by the waters side, and white sandy strand. Wheare wee landed is aboute half a league to the westward of Mount Felix.

[Page 203]


This night the people aland promised us sheepe and goats against the morninge if wee staied; and because the Darlinge was to come that waye from Soccatora, wee made noe greate haste to bee gone, butt to staie till the morninge to gett some fresh victualls.

[Page 204]


Aprill 3. Winde at E.N.E. Wee stood alonge the shoare; by our leade in 18 and 20 fathome. Att one place wee had butt 10 fathome; then edginge of wee had deeper water, and noe ground in 40 fathome. In the eveninge wee had sight of the mouth of the Straicts.


Aprill 4. Wee wayed and stoode in for the Straicts with the winde at E., a fresh gale. And aboute ten in the forenoone wee passed it, and ancored within the iland neere the mayne, in nine fathome water, half a league of the shore, neare a miskett and village which is on the sea side.


[Page 205]

3.30.1. A discourse of what passed att Moucha after our arrivall in the Red Sea the second time.

Aprill 7. The fourth daie after our arryvall att Babelmendell, Richard Wickham, one of the marchannts of Captaine Saris fleete, came to us with letters from Generall Saris. The drogaman which came with him retourned the same daie by land with awnswer from our Generall to Captaine Saris. This drogamon was an Italian renegado that was with me at Senan. This daie came an Indian shipp from Mangellor, laden with cinamon and rice and other comodities. The 9th of the same monneth came annother Indian shipp from Dieu, laden with Indian comodities, some nill, some cloves and druggs. Their sailes were taken from the yard, and the l0th dicto the Generall went aboard and unladed what goods he liked, viz.:―cinamon, cloves, indico, olibanum, lignumaliais, turbett and other druggs. And in the eveninge arrived annother small vessell, from Caixen, laden with olibanum.

[Page 206]

And att night came the Cloves skiffe from Moucha and brought letters from Captaine Saris, and the next daie departed with awnswere, and Richard Wickham in her. Beinge the 11th of Aprill arrived the fourth shipp of India, from Sinde, laden with cotton woll and other Indian comodities. This daye wee had soe much winde at N.N.W. that the Indian shipp began to drive, that wee were faine to helpe them from driveinge ashore. And in the eveninge, being the 12th dicto, wee made an end of takinge out the cinamon, which was 373 sacks.


[Page 207]

Aprill 16. Came two Indian shipps more, one from Callicut, laden with cotten woll and other comodities, and the other from Achin, laden with pepper, and belonginge to the Governor of Dabull. In the eveninge the shipp of Mangallour was sett att libertie, and went for Moucha.

Aprill .17 [...]in the eveninge came annother greate Indian shipp, from Cananor, laden with pepper, cinamon and other Indian comodities.

Aprill 19. [...]And the [Page 208] Hector and Thomas sett saile in the eveninge to goe to the Abex shore to fill water, which they wanted; as alsoe to staie in the other channell to stopp the [[ships that?]] should come thatt waye. And in the eveninge came two greate shipps of Suratt, one of them a newe shipp belonginge to Abdelasan, Captaine Hawkins freind, and the other to Hoghanazan, our ould freind the Governor of Suratt; the biggest of them 600 tonns, thother 200 tonns.

Aprill 20. Came in annother shipp, laden with pepper, rice and cinamon from Callicutt; [...]

[Page 209]

This daie at night came two more Indian shipps, the one from Dabull, the other from Dieu.

These two shipps weare laden with Indian comodities very ritch, with store of indico, pepper, and all other sorts of fine comodities of cotton woll.

Aprill 23. In the morninge came in the Reheme, the Queenes Mothers shipp, one of 1000 tonns or more, and came from Goga laden with indico and other Indian comodities in aboundance.

[Page 210]

Soe in the eveninge wee all anchored in the Baye of Asab, but somethinge farre of; soe that the next daie, beeinge the 25th dicto, we wayed and went farther in, and moored all our vessells, except a small shipp of Cashen which the General gave leave to departe, not medlinge with any thinge they had in them. They went directlie for Moucha.

Aprill 27. The Clove came from Moucha att night; and this daie the Generall cawsed the Guzaratt shipp to make waye to have out there indico.

[[Aprill 28.]] And the 28th dicto General Saris sent aboard to Sir Henrie, entreatinge him to come aboard the Hectour to helpe pacific their men, whoe were in a mutiny [Page 211] when the Generall would have punnished some of them, the mayster of the Hectour resistinge the Generall aboute his sonne, which was one of those that had signed the peticion to our Generall.

[...]the companie generallie exclamed very much on their Generall to deale soe hardlie with men, havinge such plentie of victualls in his shipp that was like to be spoyled for wante of eatinge, and the men starve for wante thereof, beinge forced to eate the tallowe from the tyes with hunger; with many other tyrannies which I cannott beleive that soe wise a gentleman would doe to Christians; which I omitt to repeate, because I knowe that there are many bad tongues which will make itt worse then it is.

[Page 213]

Maye 14. Came the Peppercorne from Aden, the time of staie beinge eight daies past expired. She brought with her a prize, a shipp of Sindee.

[Page 226]

Maye 20. Wee sett saile and stoode of as the winde would permitt us, beeing easterly. Wee anchored neere Crabb Iland till eleven att night the winde came at N.W., and wee stoode awaye betwene the E. & by N. and E. & by S. till the morninge. Then it fell calme.

[Page 227]

Maye 31. Wee had very much winde and darke weather. Our course as before; and by supposition wee passed within two leagues of Soccotora, butt could nott see itt. Wee had nowe a sett storme, steeringe awaie still with our fore course half maste highe, at S.E. and S.E. & by E.

[Page 228]

June 12. Aboute five in the morninge wee sett saile, with a faire gale att N.W. Wee steered S.E. This daie wee had some gustes, butt little winde, and some raine.

June 30. Thicke weather and much raine. Winde N.W. Aboute eight in the morninge betweene the showers wee had sight of two small ilands, the one of them S.E. of [Page 229] us, thother N.; but the weather beeing darke wee doubted whether they were ilands or the mayne. Butt we stoode towards the lesser of the twoe; and aboute three in the afternoone wee came to anchour within half a mile of the shore in 28 fathome. This iland is a smooth land, thicke of coker nutt trees and other.

Then wee steered E. & by N. and E. In the afternoone gustie weather and raine. At night little winde.

Julye 3.

[Page 230]

This daie aboute noone wee sodenlie fell into shoald water two leagues of the easter parte of the iland which wee passed. Wee weare in four fathome, and rocks that wee could perceive neere us, the topps of the rockes briminge above water and the current settinge towards them; butt haveing a little gale wee steered N.E. a good birth of the shoare.

Julye 6. Wee weare neere the mayne of Sumatra, aboute eight leagues to the north of Tecoo. Then itt fell calme till the eveninge. Then wee steered E.N.E. and E. & by N. till ten att night. Then wee anchored in 28 fathome. Wee found faire shoaldinge all alonge the shoare, although there be many rubbs in the way which wee knewe not of till afterwardes. This night much raine.

[Page 232]

From the 8th of Julie to the 7th of August wee were in Tecoo without any trade, beinge putt of from daie to daie with delayes, the people beinge soe unconstant in their resolutions that one daie they would trade with us, and putt us to three or four daies longer; then wee should have them of annother minde, askinge an extreame price for their pepper, and nothinge for our cloth; and some times they would have money for their pepper, and within two or three daies cloth was better then money. Thus they led us a monneth before wee could gett one bahar of pepper, beeinge loth to suffer us to departe and afraid to trade with us; butt att length, with a fewe bribes to the cheefe men, with promise to give them somethinge more then ordinary for there pepper, wee made an end with them at 20 rialls the bahar of pepper, and the price of our cloth agreed upon.

[Page 236]

After the departure of the Generall, wee spent a full monneth aboute buyinge a small quantitie of pepper which was remayneinge, and in ladinge the pepper which was on the iland aboard the Trade, with other necessarie buysinesses aboute the repayringe of the Darlinge. And havinge brought all remay[[n]]ders from the shoare, and taken my leave of the Governours and cheife men of the countrie, I came aboard the Trade to sett saile for Bantam, haveinge bought in all since our first comeinge [[blank]] bahars of pepper, with much labour and vexation with these unseasoned Mahometans. Although they are all bad enough, yet these are the worste that I have seene.

[Page 238]

In the interim of this buysines, I bought aland aboute 100 bahars of pepper more, and brought it aboard, which was a marchannts pepper of Achin, which formerlye he would not sell. I paid some cloath, some money for itt. Soe nowe all things beinge againe aboard, the shipp ready to departe,

[Page 241]

This daye att night Sir Henrie Middleton, Captaine Hawkins and my selfe landed at Bantam, where wee found Heugh Fraine very sicke, and the 27 dicto died.

[Page 244]

Nowe the daie before my departure the Kinge of Bantam and the Protectour his unckle, with many of his nobles, came to the iland to see the Trade, and brought with them above 50 greate proas or friggotts armed.

[Page 245]

The 15 of February wee sett saile in the Darlinge from the iland of Pulla Pengan neere Bantam, as is before specified. And the same daie in the eveninge wee mett with a greate juncke come from China bound for Bantam, of whome wee bought some gamons of porke and other provision. And we steered awaye East and by North.

Feb. 16. Wee had little winde W.N.W., and at night of the shoare and calme.

Feb. 17. Wee had a pretty gale at W., which came aboute noone. Soe steered for Jacatra; and in the afternoone wee anchored hard by a Dutch shipp that was in the roade, and I sent a booate on the land to provide fish and racke for the shipps provision, and racke to send for Bantam in the juncke which wee bought att Tecoo, for the Trades companie att Bantam, the juncke cominge with us for that purpose.

Feb. 18. I went aland at Jacatra, and in the afternoone wee anchor[[ed]] hard by a Dutch shipp that was in the roade; and presented the Kinge with a peece and other trifles, which hee kindlie accepted with many complements; where I provided racke, rice and fish for our provision, as alsoe bought 15 butts to send for Bantam in the little juncke, which was to bee delivered within three daies.

[Page 247]

The next daie, being the 22th of March, [...]

[...]the Governor [[of]] Lughu, a place on the iland of Seran, aboute four leagues from Hitto, understandinge of our arrivall att Hitto, sent over a proa to us to knowe whatt wee weare, invitinge us to come over with our shipp and they would sell us cloves. I told him that as soone as wee had done att Hitto wee would, God willinge, come to Lugho, aboute 15 daies, or happilie in lesse tyme. Soe he departed to acquainte the Governor of Hitto of what comodities wee had brought, as alsoe to entreate him from mee to provide us a parcell of cloves against our comeinge.

[Page 249]

I conferd with him concerninge trade with them for cloves, acquayntinge him with our sorts of comodities and money to buy them; whereunto he awnswered that wee might buye and sell att our pleasure, but he would intreate us to have the good will of the Dutch Governor of Ambonia Castell first, that he might the better favour us in our buysines. I awnswered that this country did nott belonge to the Dutch, but to him; which if itt weare soe, whie should I seeke there good will to trade? For, said I, if the countrye did belonge to the Hollanders I would conferre with them aboute ytt, for that wee are freinds with them and they cannot deny us trade in any of their dominions, except they will breake the league which is betwixt us.

[Page 256]

Aboute three in the afternoone wee anchored att Lugho, in 40 fathom water, within a butt shott of the Flemish howse. Our anchour laye in 60 fathome, faire ground, but soe neere the shore that with the winde of the sea our shipp starne was within a ships length in 2 1/2 fathome; but a man neede not feare his ankour, because it is very firme ground, and against the hill, that hee cannott come home.

[Page 273] Of the Country of Ambonia, Cambello, Lugho and Lasede.

This countrye of Ambonia is butt a small iland, where the Hollanders have a very stronge castell; butt the most parte of the people are gone from the place where the castell standeth, and dwell on the topps of hills amongst the woods.

Alsoe Cambello, Lugho and Lasede, with other townes, doe belonge to the same Kinge of Turnattee, with many other ilandes there aboutes; butt these three places doe yeild store of cloves, as many or more then Ambonia; and the Dutch have twoe factories, vizt. at Cambello and Lugho. This iland is parte of the iland of Seran, and is the westermost, where these townes are at the entringe of the Straightes of Hitto.

[Page 274]

Maye 3. Havinge finished our buysines at Cambello, we sett saile for Macassar.

[Page 276]

Maye 11. The next daie wee sent the boate farther to the westward, to seeke for a better place to anchour in, because wee doubted that our anchour laye in fowle ground. Soe aboute ten in the morninge our boate returned and brought us word that a league to the westward there was a faire baye and good ground to anchour in, and a river of water hard by. Soe aboute noone wee weyed, and stoode into the baye and anchored in seven fathome water, a very good roade for the easterlie monson. Nowe our pilott came cryinge to mee and said that wee were past the Straicts of Bouton, and that which hee made to bee a baye was the Straicts.
[Page 279]

Maye 16. Seeinge that there was little hope to gett the Straicts of Bouton to windeward, I sent the boate to leeward, wherein went the maister, Cornelius Billinge, to search if there were any passage that waye, betweene the Selebes and the iland of Balonye. And the next daie he retourned and brought newes that there was noe passage that way neere the iland of Babony, for that the sholes laye of att least a league into the sea; butt that neere the Selebes on the lee shore there might bee a passage, which would bee very dangerous to putt thorough upon a lee shore; yett did not venter to see whether ther weare any passage or nott; soe thatt his jorney was to little purpose. The maister beeinge heare [[heavie?]] with a discoradged minde, seeinge noe remedye but to staye the westerlie monson, fell very sicke.

[Page 281]

June 1. This daie in the morninge, our maister beeinge very ill, his mate would not take upon him the charge to carry the shipp that waye, butt would rather retourne and anchour at the roade where wee weare before. I alledged unto him and the rest of the companie that it was noe way for us to retourne thether, for that any winde that would doe us good wee should not be able to gett forth; and againe, if wee rid in that place there was noe hope of gettinge out untill the next monson, which would be September next, we havinge butt three monnethes victualls in the shipp.

[Page 282]

June 4. The next daie, my selfe not beeinge well, I sent Nicholas Bangham and the maister his mate in the boate to sound alonge the shoare towards annother pointe which was aboute two leagues ahead of us, S.S.W. [[S.S.E.?]] of us; and aboute ten they retourned, sayinge that they found from 10 to 20 fathome all alonge the shore to the pointe, and beyond it faire sand. The next morninge wee weyed aboute noone and stoode towards the pointe; butt itt fell calme, soe that before wee could gett the pointe we anchored four times because of the currant against us. And aboute four in the afternoone wee anchored hard by the pointe; at which time wee had sight of five caracores comeinge towards the pointe from the southward, wherein came John Darby, our pilott, and juribassa, tellinge us that the Kinge of Bouton had kindlie enterteyned them and sent his owne brother and his sonne in lawe with these caracores to tooe us up.

[Page 286]

Julie 3. And the next daie wee ankored before the towne of Botoune, aboute ten in the morninge; where presentlie the Kinge sent his biggest carracore, called the English caracore, with his brother and many other of his cheifest Arancayes to bid us in the Kinges name welcome to his towne, desiringe mee, when I pleased, to come aland; I should be hartilie welcome. Soe I promised that the next morninge I would, God willinge, see the Kinge; with which awnswere they retournd, and presentlie the Kinge sent a present of fresh victualls, as goats and other refreshinge.

[Page 287]

[...]wee were to goe for Benjarmassen and Saccadana, which if wee lefte here a factorye wee were not able to accomplish; prayinge him to excuse us for this time, butt if itt pleased him to seeke to drawe some trade to his countrye of cloves, mace, sanders wood and such like against the next yeare, there should be a factory lefte as hee desired.

Then hee lefte us and departed to his owne howse, from whence hee sent us store of victualls such as the countrye afforded, as henns, fish, rice and ounes, [Page 288] which is a roote as good or better then turnups, which is their comon bread that they eate, and is better then rice, for our men would rather eate it then rice.

[Page 291] Of the Countrye of Boutoune.

The Hollanders have here in Boutoune two little fortes, where they keepe aboute 30 souldiars, and have in them both aboute five peeces of ordinance. But I knowe not to whatt end they keepe their forts in this place, for it yeildeth nothinge of itt selfe that is worth the speakinge of; onely, as I could understand by the Dutch captaine, thatt they had greate hopes to make indico on itt, the countrye beeinge apt for itt, and some small quantitie growne upon itt, butt I could see none of itt. The greatest parte of their foode is upon fishe and rootes called ombis, which they eate in lieu of rice and bread, and is good either rost or boyled, and is very good foode; our men would rather eate them then rice. This roote doth somethinge resemble a pottato roote. The iland of itt selfe is very pleasannt [...]

[Page 292] Of our tedious passadge from Ambonia [(sic)] to Makassar.

Julie 11. The 11th of Julie, aboute six in the afternoone, wee anchored in the roade of Macassar, within a mile of the towne, where wee found an English juncke, which John Parsons, one of the Seventh Voyage in the Globe, had bought to carrye him to Pottana. There came presentlie of unto us Thomas Britt, his companion, whoe enfourmed us of the estate of the countrye.

[Page 293]

Julie 14. And the next morninge I retourned aland, and carryed a present to the Kinges unckle. And the Kinge went in person, accordinge to promise, to appointe and measure out our ground, and caused the people which dwelt on the ground to remove farther of, because wee should have none neare for feare of fire. Soe the same daye there were above 20 houses taken downe and carryed awaye, except two or three of the best I bought for our present use; as alsoe some of the cokernutt trees which poore people had planted. The Kinge caused me to give them half a riall a peece. There were in this plott of ground aboute 60 cokernutt trees and many other of divers sorts, which were lefte standinge, very pleasant, and two or three wells of very good water within the yard.

[Page 294] Of the Countrye of Macassar.

This towne of Macassar is the cheife place upon the Selebis, which lieth in 5 degrees south lattitude. It is a very pleasant and fruitfull countrye, and the kindest people in all the Indias to strangers; and would bee a very profitable place for vent of Choramandell and Guzaratt comodities if the Portugall from Malacca did not furnish them; butt, as itt is, if trade bee contynued in the Mulluccos, it is very necessarie for to furnish our shipps outwards bound with rice and Jore gold in quoine; whereof there is greate store of both and is a good marchandize in the Mulluccas. The countrye of itt selfe doth yeild nothinge but rice; onelie the trade which they have from other places, as the Mulluccas, Banda, and Jore, from whence there is yearlie brought store of cloves, mace, nutmeggs, and sanders wood, which the[[y]] barter for rice and gould; which commodities they have in former times sould to the Portugalls in trucke of their cloathinge of Choromandell and Guzaratt, which yearlye they use to bringe from Malucca in greate quantitye, for the countrye is greate and [Page 295] populous, and this towne doth serve all the rest of the iland.

[Page 296]

Att our settinge saile wee stoode awaye W. and W. & by S., to avoide the shoales of the ilands which lieth W.N.W. from Macassar, beinge seaven in nomber, and aboute three and four leagues of, with many sholes and broken grownd aboute them. Wee steered betwixt an iland which lieth to the southward, called Tenakecke, and these seven ilands, yet were wee faine to beare upp for one, and alofe for annother, the juncke goinge before us soundinge; notwithstandinge wee passed in 2 1/2 and 3 fathome water on the pointe of some of the sholes. Thus wee contynued till three in the afternoone, bearinge roome for avoydeinge the shoales, and aluffe for annother; and then wee steered with two ilands that are some 12 leagues from Macassar, where wee anchored in 7 fathome water, good sandy ground. These ilands are called Lambaye, two leagues distant the one from the other, S.E. and N.W. There is noe saileinge by night neer Macassar; for when wee came to anker wee might perceive many other shoaldes round aboute us.

[Page 298]

Aug. 8. Then wee sett saile and steered awaye N.W. And aboute six wee had but 10 fathome water, and presentlye wee had sight of lowe land, not above four leagues of, trendinge W. and by S. And wee stoode alonge the shore, and had from 8 to 10 fathome till noone; and then comeinge neerer the shore wee had but 6 and 7 fathome. This afternoone wee had much winde, that our consort was not able to beare saile to stand upon a tacke, butt was faine to beare roome towards the shore.

[Page 307]

Within two daies after they sent for mee, desiringe to speake with mee. I awnswered thatt, seeinge they had thruste mee out of the Worshipfull Companies house, I would not retourne thether; butt if there were any occasions which concerned the Companies buysines, I would come to conferre with them att any other house. Soe they appointed to meet mee at a Chinaes howse; where [Page 308] they beganne to seeme very sorrowfull of what passed, desiringe mee to come to the house, protestinge greate kindnes. But to the matter, they desired to knowe the best course whether to send the Darlinge, seeinge they had soe much goods and mony lyinge by them. I awnswered that Sir Henrie had determyned to send her at her retourne from Ambonia to Massapotan, which I thought was the best course, seeinge shee had alreadye some cloves aboard, which was a principall comoditie for that place; besides they had much purselane lyinge by them and other comodities which would make up a good cargason; all which they lyked very well. And the next daie they beganne to trym upp their China comodities, as purselane and silks, to send in her, with greate protestacions of love and freindshipp; for they cared not whether, nor what they gave mee, soe I would not staie in Bantam to trouble them; and I, as much desirous to be rid of their companie, made as much hast as might bee to fitt our shipp to receive such goods as they would laye into her. Soe that by the 19th of September wee had all things in the shipp except our water, which wee could not fitt our selves well, because the most parte of our caske was rotten, and never a cooper left to tryme itt; soe wee tooke the best of whatt was aboard, as likewise ashore, havinge one which had little skill to trymme itt; but howsoever wee must make a shifte with such as wee had. Soe that we had all things aboard by the 20th of September att night, our cargason beinge in all to the value of 2000 rialls of eight, in China comodities, cloves and monnye.

[Page 309] Of our voyage from Bantam to Massapotan.

Sept. 20. Att night we sett saile from Bantam towards Massapotan. And beinge without the Straicts, wee found the winde to hange betweene the N.N.W. and the N.W., soe that wee could not gett alongst the shore of Sumatra; havinge beate too and againe aboute ten daies, and could not gett two degrees to the northward; soe that wee determined to gett of to the southward to seeke a winde to carye us alonge.

The maister havinge dilligently searched and sounded the caske, found most parte of our water leaked out, soe that there was not remayneinge in the shipp above five butts of water; wherefore wee determined to beate itt upp a little longer to gett Tecoo or Pryaman or Endrapura, to gett water before wee putt of. Soe thatt by the 22th of October wee came into Tecoo Roade, havinge butt two hoggesheads of water lefte; yett wee had gone to hard allowance, because our caske did leake out more then wee spent.
[Page 316]

In February there came to Bantam four China juncks with silks, druggs and divers other comodities. The Dutch made a shewe as if they would have had a consorteshipp with us aboute the buyinge of their comodities betwixt us; butt when they perceived our willingnes to joyne with them, they cunninglye went aboute to buye all from us whiles wee weare treatinge aboute the matter; and in the end broke of from us, each to doe his best.

Every yeare aboute the end of February there came to Bantam three, four, five and six juncks from China bringinge divers sorts of comodities as is before mentioned. These juncks remayne in Bantam till the end of Maye or June; then they departe, most parte loden with pepper, beinge shipps aboute 300 tonns or more, which doe carry aboute six, seven, and eight thousand sacks of Bantam pepper, besides divers other comodities, as sanders wood, and much money, which they make of cashas or lead money which they bringe out of China, and carrie rialls of eight out of the countrye for them; soe that, notwithstandinge soe much money as is brought to Bantam yearlie by us and the Dutch, which wee paye for pepper, there is greate scarcitie of money, by reason that the China junckes carrie itt yearlie for China; which the Kinge doth suffer because the China marchannts doe bribe him, which hee is content to take although itt be the overthrowe of his commons.

[Page 317]

Wee have bene troubled manie times with fire; some yeares, three or four times in a monneth. The houses beeinge of strawe, when itt taketh on fire runneth soe suddenlie from howse to house thatt, if itt bee not prevented by pullinge downe the houses before, itt will within one hower burne the whole parishe or China quarter.

[Page 323]

Anno 1613 [[1614]]. The Dutch Generall, Peter Butt, havinge made complainte as findinge himselfe agreeved thatt the prizes of China comodities weare soe much raysed that there were noe proffitt to bee made by them, alledging itt to bee our owne faults thatt wee did not agree together and buye the China comodities betwixt us, and make one buyer for the whole, intreatinge mee that I would joyne with their President att the comminge of the China juncks; which I was content to doe, and att their arryvall I sent George Ball to talk with the Dutch President to feele him concerninge what was propounded by their Generall Peter Butt; which att the first motion the said President seemed to bee content to joyne with us and make one buyer for the whole, and take onely such comodities as were fittinge for our countrye and leave the trash upon their handes, which would encouradge them ever after to bringe thatt which was good and not such deceiptfull wares as they did usually bringe. Whereupon it was agreed thatt wee should meete in the afternoone att the Dutch house to drawe writinges betwixt us, as well concerninge China comodities as also to conferre aboute the buyinge of pepper.

[Page 325]

The Hollanders, knowinge that wee had store of Choromandell comodities, which came in the James, forthwith sent for all the China marchannts, invitinge them to buye their comodities, to bee paid in newe pepper att eight monneths; thereby to binde all the marchannts of the countrye to them, because they should sell their pepper to noe other. And the better to animate them to take their comodities, they sold better cheape then formerlie itt had bene sold att leaste 50 pro cento; thinkinge thereby not onely to binde all the marchannts to deliver them pepper att the time of the yeare, but alsoe to hinder us in the sale of our comodityes, beinge of the same nature, therby to prevent or discouradge us any more to trade in the like, seeing that there is little or noe gaine thereby if wee sould at those prises and upon trust to those that there is greate doubt of payment.

[Page 334]

Dec. 12, 1616. This daie, beinge the 12th of December, I came aboard the Clove to fitt my cabbin and muster our companie; where I remayned till the 14th dicto, and finished my accompts.

Dec. 14. I retourned aland and tooke my leave of the Kinge, whoe presented mee with a cowe and ten sacks of pepper, which I lefte in Mr. George Barkleys hands, and the same daye retourned aboard.

[Page 335]

Dec. 24. In the morninge wee sett saile and gott some five leagues ahead alonge the coast of Sumatra, butt could nott finde any place to anker in; and the tide beeinge comeinge against us, fearinge to be putt againe to leeward, wee bare roome for Pulla Bassy and there ankored betwixt Sumatra and the iland in 35 fathome in fowle ground; havinge lost one anchor neere the same place formerly, and nowe wee onlie galled our cable, beeinge reasonable faire weather.

[Page 339]

Feb. 24. Faire weather and calme untill two in the afternoone, and then in a fogge the winde came att W.S.W. and S.W., butt soe darke wee could not see the ships length; soe that wee were forced to tacke aboute and lye too and againe all night, the fogge still contynued. Att which time wee tackt aboute wee were within two leagues of the pointe turninge into the baye, and within two leagues of Penguin Iland, bearinge N.E. and by N. of us, and the pointe N.E. and by East.

[Page 343] Our Course from Saldania to St. Helena.

March 15. Aboute eight of the clocke att night wee sett saile with the winde of the shore, and went betwixt Penguin Iland and the mayne, the winde shortninge upon us.

[Page 344]

March 31. Att four in the morninge, the winde betwixt the S.E. and E.S.E., wee stoode in with the lande, and att eleven or twelve wee ancored att the Chappell Baye. And after dinner wee landed; where wee found a letter from Captaine Keelinge, wherein he wrote of his arrivall and departure, which was the 24th of Februarie, havinge taken good store of hoggs, goats and fishe; giveinge us to understand by his letter that he anchored not at the Chappell butt att the fifth warpe to the westward of the Chappell, which wampt [(sic)] leadeth to the orenge trees. Soe that this daie aboute four in the afternoone wee wayinge, anchored at the same wampt in 32 1/2 fathome, a mile of the shore. It is aboute two miles from the Chappell, and the 5th swampt accomptinge the Chappell for one; where there is better water then att the Chappell, and store of rocke fishe, thatt if a man have small hookes, one man may take upon every rocke as much in a daie as will serve 20 men to eate; and itt is neerer the orenge trees and the goats. For the hoggs, there are very fewe lefte. Captaine [Page 345] Keelinge and the two Holland shipps, whoe departed six dayes before our arrivall, had taken all the hogges; soe that in five dayes that wee stayed wee could kill butt one hogge and four goates. Soe thatt findinge itt not to bee worth our labours, wee filled our water and washed our lynnen, and departed the 5th of Aprill; and lefte a letter with Captaine Keelinges and the Dutch shipps, beinge two greate ships of 1000 tonns apeece with 150 persons in each named the Amsterdam and the Greate Selan. And the goates are soe wild that there is greate crafte in catchinge of them, for they presentlie seeinge of people take the rocks, that none can come att them; butt if there were in a shipp a bastard grayhound or some mastife, there might bee many goats taken, for there is store upon the iland. As for lymons, wee had none butt very small, not worth anythinge. Butt within the land, this iland is a very firtill soile and pleasant place and wholesome aire, and very necessarie for shipps homeward bound. Our Course from St. Helena to England, vizt.

Aprill 5. In the morninge aboute seven or eight wee sett sayle from St. Helena, and att noone it bare S.E. of us, aboute five leagues of. Winde E.N.E. Faire weather.

[Page 347]

June 6. Aboute five in the morninge wee had sight of Flowers and Corne [[Corve?]], the southermost bearinge E.N.E. of us. The winde att W.N.W. and after came att W.S.W. a faire gale, butt much sea out of the N.W. Wee lost sight of our consorte, who promised to speake with us in the morninge, butt he lingred staying for his pillage. Att noone per observacion lattitude 39d. 48m., havinge sayled these 24 howers 34 leagues N.E. & by N. Att noone the norther parte of Corne [[Corve?]] was E. of us, some six leagues of; soe thatt I make the iland to lye in 39d. 48m. Butt by my reckoninge some northerly corent hath sett us 20 leagues to the eastward, for att noone by my reckoninge wee should have bene 26 leagues west of itt. nonstructural

June 17. Wind W. and W. & by N., a stiffe gale. In the morninge wee had sight of the Lizard. Then wee steered E.N.E. and N.E. & by E. This daie wee spake with a fisher boate, whoe told us thatt we were shorte of the Start eight leagues. Att ten in the forenoone, havinge had [Page 348] a stiffe gale, our shipp was shott farther ahead then wee expected. Att night wee weare aboute 12 leagues shorte of Portland.

June 18. Att night wee weare shorte of Faire Lee aboute six leagues, beinge past Bechee before night.

June 19. In the morninge aboute seven wee were as high as the Nestes, where the winde tooke us shorte, cominge up att the E.S.E. and S.E. & by E.

This is a selection from the original text


death, heat, pepper, plenty, trade, travel, victuals, water

Source text

Title: The Journal of John Jourdain, 1608-1617

Author: John Jourdain

Editor(s): William Foster

Publisher: Printed for the Hakluyt Society

Publication date: 1905

Original compiled c.1608-1617

Place of publication: Cambridge

Provenance/location: This text was transcribed from images available at Internet Archive: compiled c.1608-1617

Digital edition

Original author(s): John Jourdain

Original editor(s): William Foster

Language: English


Texts collected by: Ayesha Mukherjee, Amlan Das Gupta, Azarmi Dukht Safavi

Texts transcribed by: Muhammad Irshad Alam, Bonisha Bhattacharya, Arshdeep Singh Brar, Muhammad Ehteshamuddin, Kahkashan Khalil, Sarbajit Mitra

Texts encoded by: Bonisha Bhattacharya, Shreya Bose, Lucy Corley, Kinshuk Das, Bedbyas Datta, Arshdeep Singh Brar, Sarbajit Mitra, Josh Monk, Reesoom Pal

Encoding checking by: Hannah Petrie, Gary Stringer, Charlotte Tupman

Genre: India > non-fiction prose > travel narratives and reports

For more information about the project, contact Dr Ayesha Mukherjee at the University of Exeter.