The Travels of Peter Mundy, Vol-II

About this text

Introductory notes

Peter Mundy was an East India Company factor and the son of a Cornish pilchard merchant from Penryn. He arrived in Surat on 30 Sept. 1628, and was sent to Agra in November 1630, where he remained until 17 Dec. 1631. He then proceeded to Puttana on the borders of Bengal, returning to Agra and Surat before returning to Dover on 9 Sept. 1634. He undertook further voyages to India, China, and Japan in April 1636. His travels are recorded in journals whose manuscripts are held in the Bodleian Library (Rawlinson A315) and the British Library (Harleian 2286, Add.19278-81). The Bodleian Library MS continues his narrative, including journeys to Denmark, Prussia, and Russia, from 1639 to 1648. It is written possibly by a clerk, with corrections by Mundy, including his own drawings and tracings of some of his routes. It ends in 1667 and contains miscellaneous notes made after his final return home about comets, sea-fights, accidents, and political events in London and Cornwall. The standard printed text of Mundy’s travels is Richard Carnac Temple’s edition (see below) which contains some of Mundy’s illustrations. Our selections from this text focus on his account of travelling through Gujarat and Malwa during the notorious Gujarat famine of 1630-32. But they also include sections from his other travels which deal with food, dearth of provisions during travel, encounters with plenty or excess, accounts of weather disturbances, and observations on the transport of goods and provisions. Primary Sources The Travels of Peter Mundy, in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667, 5 vols, ed. Richard Carnac Temple (Cambridge: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1907-1925) Suggested Reading R E Pritchard, Peter Mundy, Merchant Adventurer (Oxford: Bodleian Library, 2011). Palmira Johnson Brummett, The “Book” of Travels: Genre, Ethnology, and Pilgrimage, 1250-1700 (Leiden: Brill, 2009). Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt, eds., Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, Hakluyt Society, extra series, v. 47 (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012).

THE TRAVELS OF PETER MUNDY, IN EUROPE AND ASIA,1608-1667.

VOL.II, TRAVELS IN ASIA, 1628-1634.

London. PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY 1914
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1. The begininge of the greate Famine.

About the tyme of our departure for Agra began a Famine 3,the Secondary cawse thereof the want of rayne this last Season, and much feared will prove very greivous, poore people begininge to die for want of Sustenance. God shewe mercie on all men.

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2. RELATION VI

A JOURNEY FROM SURATT IN GUZARATT [GUJARAT] TO AGRA IN HINDOSTAN 1 ,WHETHER PETER MUNDY AND JOHN YARD WERE ENORDERED AND SENT BY THE WORSHIPFULL THOMAS RASTELL, PRESIDENT ETTS. COUNCELL, TO ASSIST MR WILLIAM FREMLEN THERE RESIDEINGE IN THE HONOURABLE COMPANIES AFFAIRES, AS FOLLOWETH.

The 11th November 1630. Wee departed from Suratt att eveninge, and that night came to Cumwarra [Khumbaria] (3 course) 2, where wee mett,as wee expected, one Mirza Mahmud Saphee [Mirza Mahmud Safi], a Persian, travellinge to Brampore [Burhanpur] to the Kinge, unto whome the President had recommended us for our better safetye and accomodation in soe hazardous a tyme; for there was a great famine begun, causeinge the highwayes

3.

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to be as it were unpassable for Theeves and others whoe infested it, not so much for desire of riches as for graine etts. food.1 The 12th November 1630. From thence wee came to Barnolee (10 course)2, an other Towne, where came to us the Governours servants of this place demaundinge 20 rupees for Jagatte3 or Custome of our twoe Carts, 10 rupees each, but through Mirza's meanes wee came off with the giveing of one Mahmudee4 to his Peones.5 The 13th November 1630. Beara [Viara] (12 course). This is a small Towne, yett fortefied with a good Castle6 and accomodated with a very prettie pond or Talao 7 stored with fish or fowle; heere the Governour of Suratt put his elephants to feede. This place is dangerous for Theeves. The 14th November 1630. Wee came to Kirka8 (7 course), a poore Town, half burnt upp and almost voyd of Inhabitants, the most part fledd, the rest dead, lyeing in the Streets and on the Tombes. Here were more of the Governours Camells feedinge, of a sort called Bagda,9 somewhat differinge from the other ordinarie sort, being thicker and stronger made, with short leggs and

4.

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verie hairie before. Heere were the bancks of a faire River, but the water neere dryed upp. The 15th November 1630. By the waie hither (Nova- pora [Narayanpur], 13 course), wee made accompte to have mett with Rashpootes 1 whoe are here rife, but wee mist them, although betweene this place and Kirka (wee goeinge somewhat of the foremost, and our Company upon some occasion or other unknowne to us stayinge behinde) wee found our selves alone by the side of a little brooke beinge neere the high way, there past by 11 or 12 of them on horseback, all well armed and provided with gunns, swordes, launces, bowes and arrowes, where espieinge us alone, made a stand, but seeinge wee were not those theie looked for, left us, goeing on their way, giveinge out they came to meete and Conduct Mirza. But after our Companie came upp, wee understood they were Rovers and watched for the Caphila[ kafila, caravan ], whoe by reason of the hilly stonie way was gon somewhat the farther about in the vallye and soe mett them not. Howsoever it was sett upon by a great Company of footemen, whoe att length were faine to betake themselves to flight. Hard by us lay the Skulls and bones of sundrie men, said to bee killed by these fellowes. The 16th November 1630. In the morning wee de- parted from thence, and that eveninge wee came to Dayta [Dhaita], (10 Course), where wee pitched neere the Towne in a Grove of Trees hard by the River side [the Sarpini]. The Governour of this place demaunded Jagatt of every Cart layden with goods, which Mirza for his part denyed, and bidd them take it of the Banian merchants 2 ,for that wee were his people and our goods as his goods. This

5.

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nighte hee came the round according to his wonted Custome, which wee perceiveinge, went forth to meete him, and entreated him to rest a litle in our Tent, which hee then excused, but a while after came without light with another Mogull or Persian, and 2 servants, and remained with us neere 2 howres, when hee related unto us the cawse of his Journey, which was that hee had a brother, named Dianett Ckaun1 ,lately dead in the Kinges Service2, and that the Kinge had sent for him to bestow on him his said brothers estate and other advancement as hee should thinck fittinge. Hee told us alsoe how kindley hee was used by Captaine Weddell [in] former yeares in his passage from Suratt to Gombrone3 and by all the rest of the English, which obliged him to love them; and soe with many Curteous proffers hee departed for that tyme.

6. Children sold or given away.

In this place the men and weomen were driven to that extremitie for want of food that they sold their Children for 12d.,6d.and4 pence a peece; yea, and to give them away to any that would take them, with manye thancks, that soe they might preserve them alive, although they were sure never to see them againe. The 17th November 1630. Wee came to Baadoore5 (10 course), where wee heard there were 150 or 200 horse- men that awaited the Comeinge of this Caphila,haveinge

7.

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but a litle since robbed a whole Towne, wherefore that night wee kept an extraordinarie watch, both our selves and Peones, as did Mirza and his people, whoe all night walked to and againe to see it duely observed.

8. The manner of watching in a Caphila

The manner of watchinge in Caphilaes is by the Continuall beateinge of a great Kettle Drumme (which most commonly they carry with them), and once in a quarter or halfe an hower one or other cryes, Covardare [ khabardar ], when all the rest of the people answer with a showte, Covardare, which is as much to say as take heede1 And this they do all night. The 18th November 1630. From Baadoore wee came to Netherbarre[Nandurbar], (12 course), a greate place2, where wee were much troubled to finde a roome convenient for our litle Tent, by reason of the number of dead bodyes that lay scattered in and about the Towne3. Att last wee tooke up our lodginge amonge the Tombes4. This place Mirza chose for us, whoe alsoe invited us to dine to daye. The 19th November 1630. Heere wee stayed all day, where Mirza supplied himselfe with some needfull provision for his Companye, there being to be had heere, although att unreasonable rates. All this day our noses were infested and our bodyes almost infected with a most noysome smell, which after search, wee found to come

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from a great pitt, wherein were throwne 30 or 40 persons, men, weomen and children, old and younge confuseldy tumbled in together without order or Coveringe, a miserable and most undecent spectacle1. Noe lesse lamentable was it to see the poore people scrapeinge on the dunghills for food, yea in the very excrements of beasts, as horses, oxen, etts. belonginge to Travellers, for graine that perchaunce might come undigested from them, and that with great greedienesse and strife among themselves, generallie lookeinge like annatomies2, with life, but scarse strength enough to remove themselves from under mens feete, many of them expireinge, others newe dead. This was their estate in every Streete and Corner; And from Suratt to this place (in a manner) all the high way was strowed with dead people, Our noses never free of the Stinck of them, especially about Townes; for they dragg them out by the heeles starke naked, of all ages and sexes, till they are out of the gates, and there they are lefte, soe that the way is halfe barred upp. Thus it was for the most part hitherto3. Much of this place [Nandurbar] is seated on a Rock, walled, with a Castle4, without beinge a prettie Messitt5 on a litle hill, and Tancks6,but for the most part drye as att this tyme. The Comon sort of howses, as well of this Towne as others hitherto, are litle and lowe with mudd walls. The better sort built of Stone (theis but fiew) with Gallaries on the outside like the Balconies in Spaine, with Chowtrees, which are open roomes, where they sitt and

10.

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dispatch their businesse1 Heere is alsoe a very faire Sarae [sarai]2. The 20th November 1630 Untill wee came neere to this Townes end (Limbgoore3 , 15 course), wee past it reasonable quiett all daie, and arriveinge heere in Twi- light, there were 3 carts Cutt of from the Caphila by theeves in the reare, and carried cleane away, the people escapeinge but not without wounds. This happeninge in the night could not bee remedied. Besides, the Caphila consisted of such a multitude of Carts and people, which drewe to such a length, that hetherto wee could never see both ends from one place, and yett increasinge daylye. For you shall understand that, att our comeinge out of Suratt, Mirza and all his people, our selves and all the Strangers that came with us from thence were not in all 150 persons and about 15 or 20 Carts with some Cammells. And now I thinck there were noe lesse then 17 or 1800 people and 250 or 300 Carts, besides Oxen and Buffaloes of burthen4.For the Countrie [people], hearinge of our Comeinge this waye, resolved, for their better securitie to take hold of this oppertunitie to save their lives by avoydinge the famine and repaireinge to places of better releife.Soe that as wee passed their Townes,they dayly joyned to us by multitudes, and likely soe to continue

11.

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untill our arrivall att Brampoore [Burhanpur]. Heere wee also stood on our Guard, fearinge to bee sett upon either by Theeves or famished people. The 21th November 1630. Wee past some trouble this day before wee came hither1(Tankwarro-2, 8 course), for first wee were molested by some that demaunded Custome in Mirza Backurs name3, but takeing two of them and beating them on the soles of their feete (the ordinarie punishment in Turkie), they confessed they belonged to a Banian, and soe, beinge well beaten, they were lett goe. After that wee passed by a Towne verye quietlye till the latter part of the Caphila came upp, which, beinge of the poorer sort, they forced some thing from them before wee could come to their rescue. ....Comeing neere the Towne, wee lost two Carts out of the Caphila, and halfe the night was spent in passing the River [the Tapti] and getting all the Carts upp the hill att [the]4 Townes end. The 23th November 1630. From Tanckwarro wee came to Talnear5 (10 course), haveinge stayed all yesterday to [Page 47] regaine strength to our Oxen in Tanckwarro aforesaid, where wee kept an extraordinary watch, by reason wee had notice of 150 horsemen, whoe would be with us that night or waylay us in the morning1 ; but wee saw them not that night, only to day some fewe horse and foote skulkinge among the bushes in our waie. Wee passed through a Towne called Firpoore [[? Sherpur]], about which all the high waies were soe full of dead bodyes, that wee could hardly passe from them without treadinge on or goeino-e over some, and from thence to Talnear all the way strewed with them. Hard by this Towne was a litle Garden watered with a well, which was the only place that gave the Eye content in rydeinge neere 200 myles.

12.

The 25th November Anno 1630. Haveinge remained one day moare att Talnear wee departed thence in the morninge. The Governour of the place with a good Company of horse and foote accompanied us about 3 miles out of Towne and then returned, leaveing 2 of his cheife men to conduct us further ; and after a while, they also departed, Mirza haveinge given them an ename1 unto which wee did contribute two rupees. Comeinge neere Chopra [Chopda] (16 course), wee sawe a great flock of Sheepe and Goates, which to us all was as comfortable as [Page 48] strange. The Governour of this place came out also to meete Mirza, expresseing great kindenesse, feastinge him in his Castle.1 The Bazaree or Markett was prettie well furnished with provision both for horse and man, which was a great ease to our mindes2. Neverthelesse the people lay dead upp and downe the streets. The 26th November 1630. The Governour of Chopra, with a good number of Horse and foote, brought us out of Towne, About the midwaie, while wee were steyinge till the Carts all came upp, there was word brought us of a loose Elephant neere about3 the River, which, haveinge chased, wee tooke, and beinge knowne by the Governour, it was sent back to Chopra. Otherwise Mirza would have brought it alonge with him. From hence the said Governour returned, and wee kept on our waie to the Towne (Rawood [Adavad], 10 course)4, where the people were neere all dead and fledd, soe that there was litle to bee hadd. Only the Governour affoarded Mirza some provision for his money, which was all the Courtesie hee received there. The 27th November 1630. Wee proceeded to Beawly [Yaval or Byaval], (11 course), a bigg Towne with a great although ruynated Castle5 This was the first place about which wee saw any fruitefullnesse, heere beinge feilds of Paan [pan] or Beetle [betel] Sugar Canes and Beares6, a fruite as bigg as a Damson, which being ripe, is yellowish and in Tast pleasant, somewhat like unto Apples. [Page 49] The 28th November 1630. From thence wee came to Navee [Navi], (8 course). By the way was discovered one of our Caphila, whoe would gett a Course before, and there stand as though hee were sett there for a watchman, makeinge manye of the poore people pay Jaggatt for their Carts, but beinge found out, hee was soundly chawbacked1 the mony taken from him, and made to runne fast pinioned that dale. Heere in the midle of the Bazaree lay people new dead and others breathing their last with the food almost att their mouthes, yett dyed for want of it, they not haveinge wherewith to buy, nor the others so much pittie to spare them any without money (there being no course taken in this Country to remedie this great evill, the rich and stronge engrossinge and takeinge perforce all to them- selves)2. The 29th November 1630. From Navee wee came to Baderpore [Bahadurpur]4, (12 course), a learge Towne with a faire streete or twoe and a plentifull Bazare. Heere Mr Yard shott an arrowe att a Dogg that had stolen and eaten in the night some butter, etts. from us and hitt him betwene both shoulders. [Page 50] The 30th November 1630. Wee came to the Cittie of Brampore (3 course)1 where wee stayed five dayes, through the backwardnes of our Broker Jaddoo [Jadia] in not provideing us Cammells according as wee advised him two dayes afore hand. Soe that it was the 6th of December before wee could gett forth of Towne.

13. Brampore — The Kings Howse — The Castle — The River.

Heere wee could noate noe greate matters in our short stay, as also being busied for our further proceede, onlie the kings howse which is within, and a fine Castle2 standinge on a hill towards the rivers side (itt is that that runneth by Suratt [the Tapti]), from whence hee hath a faire prospect as well of the said river, as of the Countrie Eastward and on the Strand. On the other side are often presented before him severall pastimes. As fighteing of Elephants, wilde Bufaloes, Antelops, coursinge of Hares, runninge of horses etts. The Bazare or markett place which joynes to the Castle is very faire and spacious, and now, by reason of the Kinges beinge heere, plentifully stored with all provisions, beinge supplied with all thinges from all parts, farr and neere, which otherwise, it may bee beleived, would feele the same Calamitie with her Neighbour Townes, for theire is litle or [Page 51] nothinge growes neere it for many miles. It being in Compasse about 7 course, invironed with a poore mudd wall, graced with some great mens Tombes and Messits1 ; the buildings heere as in former places discribed2. In the River is an Eliphant cutt in Stone and coulered in such a posture that it seemes to the life a farr off3 The 6th December 1630. Haveinge taken our leave of Mirza Mahmud Saphee, rendringe him many thancks for our kinde usage by the way, wee left him at Brampore and departed. That eveninge wee came to Pansure4 (4 course), a poore Towne. Neere it is a verie high mountaine or rock5 whereon stands a Castle called Haseere6, about halfe a mile in Compasse on the Topp, which is plaine, this beinge in former tymes the Cheife seate of the Kings of this province. Called Candesse [Khandesh], next adjoyne- [Page 52] inge to Guzaratt [Gujarat]. The Mogull [Akbar], about 34 [30] yeres since, took the kinge thereof Prisoner (by treacherie as some say)1 whoe yett Hves and receives from this kinge Shaw Jehan [Shah Jahan] a pension of rupees 50 per daie for his maintenance.... The 7th December 1630. Now in our Journieinge (Burghkheesara [Barh kl Sarai, for Borgaon], 4 course), wee began to bee freed from the sadd Spectacle of dead men, but their places were supplyed by innumerable Carkases of dead beasts, as Elephants, Cammells, horses, Buffaloes, Oxen, etts. but the greatest number were of Cammells. The 8th December 1630. Wee came to Naysara [Nau Sarai, the New Saral, for Sehara]2 , (6 course), meeteinge by the waie manie and great Elephants goeinge to and comeinge from Brampore, the former beinge fedd and fitted to the kinges use, and the latter sent away to that end. Of theis hee hath a great number, the report variable, some say loooo, others more, some lesse. The highest hardly attaine to 4 1/2 yards3. Theis are kept in severall places of his dominion, which serve him for state, for the warrs and for Carriage of Tents etts. Also every Amraw or Lord hath, according to his degree, some 10, some 8, and some 5 or 6 of Horses of severall kindes, As Persian, [Page 53] Arabian, Keeches1. etts. Hee is sayd to have in his owne stables about 12000 or 14000. The 9th December 1630. By the way hither (Cheanpore2, 9 course), wee conceive it had rayned, for there was ap- pearance of grasse, but burnt upp againe with the Sunne. All the waie from Suratt gates (or as I may say from the English Garden there), wee seldome sawe any grasse or greene thinge till wee came hither. There came now in our Companie many Eliphants. One amounge the rest, beinge feirce and dangerous, went with greate Chaines to his leggs, as also men with long staves and fireworks att their ends to hinder him from doeinge hurte3With theis fireworks they also part them when they fight, which is one of the kinges pastimes, most comonly twice in the weeke4. Att this Towrie there seemes to have bene a faire goodly River, now dryed upp, only some standing pooles in the Channell. The l0th December 1630. (Charwa5, 10 course). The Countrie now began to shew it selfe with a litle better countenance then hetherto. The small Townes and villages as wee passed were stored with graine in the streets or Bazares, And all the way as wee went wee mett with many thousands of Oxen laiden with Corne goeing for Brampore. [Page 54] The 11th December 1630. (Bechoula [Bichola], 11 course). To day through a levell Countrie, yett full of woodes. Wee had some rayne, as also j'esterday, a thing unusuall att this time of the yeare. The I2th December 1630. Wee came to Standeene1 (4 course), and by the way wee saw some feilds of Corne, which seemed to us noe lesse pleasant then Comfortable. Neere this Towne wee past by Handeea [Handiya], a faire Castle, built of stone2, on the banckes of the river Nerbadare [Narbada], which runneth by Barroache [Broach] into the Sea, beinge plentifull in fowle and fish. The Raya [Raja] of the place made us pay rupees 3 for our 3 cammells ladeinge, although it were noe other then beddinge, apparrell, provision, etts., and the Cammells 1/2 rupee per Cammell and 2 pice a man. Standeen is on the other side of the river. The 13th December 1630. By reason of some heat which the Cammells cannot well endure, wee came to this place (Tombree [Tumri], 9 course), in the night, and that through Solitarie woods. It is a poore Towne. The 14th December 1630. Wee came to Eechahoore [Ichhawar], (14 course), the way mountainous and woodie. About the midd way were watchmen, but wee payed nothinge. This day wee mett with many 3, which are great drovers of Oxen and Buffaloes laiden with graine etts. provisions for Brampore ; about the Towne a Champian [champaign, flat, open] Countrie with some greene feilds of Corne. [Page 55] The 15th December 1630. In our waie hither (Seehoore [Sihor], 7 course), were 50 or 60 of the Kings Elephants feedinge, the Countrie Champian and some feilds of graine and Sugar Caines, also a great Tanck with aboundaunce of Fowle, 3 miles short of the Towne. The i6th December 1630. Hitherto a good Countrie, adorned with many fruitful! feilds of graine, Sugar Canes etts., and neere the Towne (6 course) 1. another great Tanck as well furnished with fowles as the former, whereof wee killed some. The 17th December 1630. Allmost all the way to this place (Delawood [Dilod], 7 course), wee mett Baniares 2 of Corne, manie feilds thereof on either hand, and passing through the woodes, wee saw many peacocks and peahenns with their Younge wilde. The 18th December 1630. This dale also wee mett many Baniares, or Caphilaes of Graine, Butter, etts. pro- visions goeing to the Campe att Brampore, where the kinge lyes to prosecute his warrs against Decan. But neere this Towne (Barowe [Barrai], 7 course) that object ended, they comeing then out of our waye. However, that want was supplyed with a prospect as good, namelie all the Countrie covered with corne feilds greene, as of Cotten alsoe, and Gardeins aboundinge with fruites and hearbes, and within the Towne a most plentifull Bazare3 Our case att this tyme was farr different from that formerlie, when as nothing was presented to our viewe but dead Carkases of men and beasts, the woefull effects of famine and mortallity. The 19th December 1630. Wee came to Pomareea [Pamaria], (9 course), all the Countrie noe other then one entire plott of greene Corne.

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The 20th December 1630. This Cittie (Serunge [Sironj], 10 course) is encompassed with many faire villages and much fruitfull ground. By it was a goodly Tanck stored with fowle, although att present almost drie. In this place are made greate quantities of Excellent Pintadoes or Chints, much nominated and esteemed throughout India, and next in goodnes to those of Muselipatan1 Heere wee had also very good redd roses and white2 but the latter excelled in smell. Wee made a Moccam3 a halt. or dayes staye to refresh our selves and Cammells. The 22th December 1630. By the way, sittinge on the Topp of a litle Hill, wee sawe a Baniare4 and many thousand of Oxen laiden with provision. It was att least 11/2 miles in length, and as many more returninge emptie to bee reladen, and all the face of the earth, as farr and distant as wee could descerne, covered with greene Corne. But of all this aboundance poore Guzeratt was never the neere, where there was most neede, it beinge all sent to Brampore to supplie the kings Laskarrie [lashkar] (or Armie) lyeing there against Decan as aforementioned. This place (Mogolca Sara [Mughal Saral], 6 course) is in the Province of Malwa. The 23th December 1630. Wee came to Sendhore [Shahdaura], (9 course), the Countrey continueinge fruite- full and pleasant, with many faire great trees of Manges [mangoes] and Tamarinde. Wee past by Puttatalaw5, a [Page 57] Towne by which is a great Lake or Tancke, where they saye the kinge, in his passage from Agra to Brampore etts. those parts, doth usuallie pitch his Tent to take his pleasure of fowlinge and fishinge, there beinge great store of both in the said Tancke and the Marish grounds ad- joyninge. The 24th December 1630. Heere (Abdul Hasenca Sara [Abdu'l-Hasan ka Sara, for Hasanpur], 8 course) is a very faire foresquaire, strongly built and well contrived Sara of Brick (haveing seene none such hitherto), by which runneth a River[the Asa]1 where wee stayed a litle while to please our selves with the prospect of the Sara and River afore- said, as also of the Countrie round about, in which wee could hardly see one spott of untilled ground, the fishes playeing and leapeinge in the Clear water the meane tyme. It is generallie observed that this Province of Malwa never failed of aboundance2, and from hence are supplied many other provinces of India in tyme of scarcitie. The 25th December 1630, and Christinas day. Comeing to this place (Collaroze [Kulharas], 9 course)3 wee passed through the same Countrie of Corne, although not al- together soe well replenished with tillage, yett still meete- inge with Baniares laden therewith.

15. Newes from Agra — Our Christmas faire — Unmannerly doggs.

This day came to us a Peon, whoe brought us a letter from our loveinge freinds Mr William Kremlin and [Page 58] Mr Crispin Blagden1.in Agra, whereby wee understood of their welfare, whereof wee were very glad ; and beinge come to our Manzull2 (or restinge place), wee fell to our Christmas Cheare. The Cheifest dish boare the name of a peece of Rost beefe (because this day of all dayes it is most in request), but the trueth is, it was a peece of Buffalo, both hard and Tough, a sufficient tryall of our Jawes and stomacks ; but for our better disgestion wee added a Cupp of Sack, of what was left us, and therewith remembring our freinds. For the rest of our good Cheare, wee found our selves beholding to Captaine Moreton, whoe furnished3us with some salt porke and Neats tongues English, which with much adoe, wee preserved from the doggs att our Manzulls, of which, neverthelesse, for all our care, they carried away more then came to their share. But our Servants (being Moores [Muhammadans]), con- sideringe howe wee loved it, would not so much as touch it with their hands or fingers, nay scarse with a paire of Tongues. Note that Hoggs flesh is held an abhomination by Moores, Turkes, as also by Jewes. The 26th December 1630. Wee came to Dungree [DongrI], (8 course). In our way, Signor Claus and Signer Daniell4 2 dutch men, came from their Caphila [Page 59] (which consisted of about 800 Cammells) to meete us, and brought us to their Tent in the Middest of their Caphila, which lay neere to Cipree [Sipri], a Stone walled Towne1, by a prettie River [the Ahir Nadi]. Wee dined and stayed with them about two or three howres, then tooke our leaves and departed. They were bound for Suratt with their goods, beinge Indico and Saltpetre, and wee to overtake our Cammells, which was not till wee arrived to our Manzull. The 27th December 1630. Wee came to Nurware [Narwar], (6 course) passinge through a Mountainous Rockie and woody Countrie2, seeing by the way many ruynes of faire buildings, of which this Towne consisted, it being the best wee saw yett, seated by a Rivers side [the Sind] in a valley among many Hills [the Vindhyas], Upon one of which adjoyninge to the Towne, stands a Castle, or rather a Cittie for its greatnesse. The whole Topp of the hill (being plaine) is about three miles in Compasse and is taken in with a mightie stone wall3. [Page 60] This lyes to the westward of the Towne, And to the Southward is a faire large Tancke1 wherein, to our seeme- inge, were thousands of wilde fowle, but the Raya [Raja] of the place hath forbidden the killinge of them, on paine of looseing a hand. This Towne hath many faire Tombes etts. buildings and plentie of all provisions. The 28th December 1630. On the left hand as wee came hither (Pelacha [Paraich]2, 7 course) was a very high hill, and on the very topp thereof, a faire Messitt [masjid, mosque] and Tombes (for some tymes they are all in one) ; on the right hand a goodly fruitefull Countrie. Heere wee laye in a good Sara. The 29th December 1630. By the way hither (Burre Ka Sarae [Barh ki Sarai], 7 course) wee passed through a Champain Countrey, full of villages, with many faire wells called Beaulees3, running brookes of water, and Tancks which did abound with wilde fowle of all sorts, as geese ducks, widgeon, Teale, Also Gaelones4 this Countrie fowle. The 30th December 1630. Wee came to Gualleere [Gwalior], (9 course), a Towne verie much adorned with faire stone gates, Tombes, messitts, the forepart of their houses supported with stone pillars. Round about were many faire buildings, as Tombes, beaulies or deepe wells. Arches, etts., shewing themselves farr and neere, very beautifull to see both within and without the Towne.

[Page 61]

16. Gwalior — An admirable, strong and beautiful Castle.

But the Castle above all is to bee admired, being a worke of Magnificence and gallant prospect, both Nature and Art haveinge bene very liberall and free thereon1 It stands elevated on a very high hill2 in the midle of a great plaine, The Topp whereof is levell and in Compasse alofte about 2 miles. Crowned with the aforesaid Castle. The walls and Turretts whereof extend to the Extreamest part of it every way, from whence downewards unaccessablie steeple and rockie, and I conceive 1/5th of a mile per- pendiculer, under which lyes the Towne ; and on that side [the eastern] is the Ascent or goeing upp to the said Castle not soe steeple as the rest, but with soe many intricate walls, bulwarks, etts. fortifications that it is strange to behold. On the sides of the hill or rock are holes or habitations of foqueeres3 (a kinde of voluntarie beggars in India), whoe can neither goe upp or downe, haveing their meat lett downe to them by a stringe ; the wall round about well kept and repaired, full of battlements, Turretts and goodly edifices, amonge the rest the kings howse [the palace of Man Singh] to the Towneward, A Costlie and curious buildinge, adorned with Galleries, windowes, Copulaes [cupolas] pillers etts. Curiosities. Heere the Kinge keepes his noblemen prisoners (such as deserve it), from whence they hardlie [with difficulty] gett out againe. The Compasse of the skirts of this hill may [Page 62] bee neere 4 miles, and for my part it is the rarest place that ever I sawe, I speake for the outside of this Castle, and all in generall considered, it seemes rather the worke and monuments of the Auntient Romaines then of Barbarous Indians, as wee esteeme them, such is the wonderfull warlike and delightsome prospect of all, as well the Castle as Towne etts. places heere adjacent1 The designe thereof I have sett downe, which somewhat resembles the manner of it2. To this may bee added a great deepe ditch by which wee came alonge, neere 3 miles in length and reacheth within one mile of the Towne, which was told us was made long tyme since by the Kinge of this place to bringe a River to Gualleire, but proved to noe effecte. It may bee by Judgment 12 fathome deepe, and 20 fathom broade, verie narrowe in the Bottome, where was to bee seene a litle Channell with gravell and peble stones, signes of runninge water, which may bee only in tyme of raynes. Now it remaines only as a Monument of extraordinary labour and Cost to small purpose3 Heere are two very faire Saraes. This place is nominated to yeild the best

[Gwalior Fort, 1631]

[Page 63] Chambelee1 or sweete oyle which is much used in India to annoynt their heads and bodyes, and is from hence carried to divers places. The 31th December 1630. Wee passed by many small ruinated and depopulated Townes, but the cause hereof wee could not learne. Heere (Mende Sara [[? Mundiakhera]], 11 course) wee received another letter from our freinds in Agra. The 1st January 1630/31. Wee came to Dholpoore [Dholpur], (9 course), neere to which wee passed over a faire and learge River [the Chambal] as broad as the Thames in many places now in the drye time2; but the bancks are twice as broad, which are filled in tymes of rayne and very deepe. Heere are many great passinge boates, both ends lookeing upwards like a halfe moone or as you use to painte Shipps of auntient tymes, or Noahs Arke3. Heere are great store of fowle. Wee had some trouble passing over. Some 3 miles before wee came to the river, wee passed through the strangest peece of ground that ever I sawe. I cannot better compaire it then to the tumblinge and totteringe waves of the sea in a storme. Before wee came neere all appeared plaine, but att our approach wee found it all such strange deepe Crackte ground in generall that it was fearefull to see, amongst which lay our way, and indeede very daungerous, for there might lurke many thousand, and wee never the wiser, it [Page 64] was soe full of intricate passages, Trenches, Crackes, [etts.]1 verie deepe and thick together. The occasion hereof, God knowes. Only I conceive thus much : — the ground att first was (questionlesse) plaine as the rest, which being verie softe and clayish, then raineing upon it, the Sunne commeing on that againe, cawsed att first some small Cliffs2or Cracks, upon which following more rayne washed them deeper from tyme to tyme even to the present profunditie carryeinge all that wanted betwene into the River ; or otherwise some Earthquake That should shatter it soe. Haveing passed the River [the Chambal], wee found the like ground on the other side for three miles, and then wee came to firme ground againe, where were many faire Tombes, Messitts3 etts., and a Beaulee or well of admirable workemanshipp and depth, The descent consistinge of above 80 stepps, a faire and artificiall arched porch for entrance, and many passages with staires, roomes and galleries as you goe downe, on either hand alike, all built of learge redd stone. The Kinge is also buildinge a new Towne heere which by its begininge doth promise much for state and Coste4 The 2d January 1630/31. In the way hither (Saya [Saiyan, Sainya], 11 course) wee passed over a faire large stone bridge5, comparable to that of Rochester, It had 20 greate Arches, 2 Piramides att either end, with prettie [Page 65] Cupalaes etts. in the midle, whereof this Countrey uses much about their Tombes, messitts, Saraes, etts. The 3d January 1630/31. Wee arrived att the Cittie of Agra (9 course), the now imperiall seat of the great Mogoll or kinge of India1 lyeing in the Province of Hindaston, our much longed for place of repose, and with much joy were received by our loveing freinds, Mr William Fremling [Fremlen] and Mr Crispin Blagden, three miles forth of Towne. Nott long after came Signor Henrici Vapore2, Principall of the Dutch, And soe altogether wee went to Darreecubaag [the Dehra Bagh], the Kings garden, and haveinge refreshed our selves there some 3 or 4 howres, wee departed to the English howse, where some 2 or three dayes passed in receiveinge and visitinge our freinds, vizt., Signor Vapore, Signor Salomon3, etts. of the Dutch howse, Signor Jeronimo4 [Page 66] Frenchman, and other Christians, and then applyed our selves to follow the Companies affaires, accordinge to the enorderinge of our Principall. Gods holy name be praised for our preservation to this place1 From Suratt to Brampore [Burhanpur] is ac- compted small course 170 From Brampore to Agra is accompted great course 226 170 small course att 1 1/4 mile per course is miles 2121/2 226 great course att 1 1/2 mile per course is miles 339 in all 5511/2 396 Course of India make English Miles 5511/2 And this is the smallest Computation that I thinck ever was made, for there bee some that make it 700, other2 800, and some 1000 miles, but I have recconed as neere as I could Judge, and with the least of the number of the said Courses3 I informed my selfe dayly of our Carters and Cammellers as wee passed from place to place, whoe accompted the great course to be much longer then is heere sett downe. Howsoever, by my Judgment and some tryall, it is nearest 1 1/2 miles, rather more. Theis Courses are vulgar, but those used by the Kinge and great men are farr longer4 [Page 67] him1 which is in this manner: — There is a lyne of 25 common Cords [[?gaz]] of Agra in length, the ends thereof made fast over two mens sholdeers, which they stretch att length. Then the former makes a Stroake on the ground with a stafife and passeth foreward, the other following him, alwaies keepeing the said lyne Tought [taut] and Straight. And when the hindermost cometh to the Stroke hee calleth out, which is for that one they have gon. Then att that instant doth the other make another marke, being then the length of the lyne before him ; and when the latter cometh upp to the Stroke hee cryeth againe, which is the Second, and the foremost marketh againe ; and soe untill they make 200 of the said lynes, never stoppinge att all, but continually goe on a good pace, keepeinge their recconinge on beads2 And so much is their auntient Course, vizt., 200 lines att 25 Coards is Coards 50003; att 4/5 yards English is yards 4000 ; att 3 foote per yard is 12000 Foote; att 1000 paces Geometricall per mile and 5 foote per pace is 5000 feete per mile. A Course, 12000 of the said feete, is 22/5 4 mile English, their auntient Course not vulgarlie knowne, only used as aforesaid by great men in their Travells ; And soe the great Course mentioned in our Journey have the name thereof, but not the Contents. Noate that from Suratt to Agra is 396 Course and amounteth unto as on thother side, English Miles 551i/2.

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17. RELATION VII. A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO COLE [KOIL] AND SHAWGURRE1 [SHERGARH], being DISPEEDED by MR FREMLIN ABOUT THE COMPANIES AFFAIRES, VIZT.

The 17th December Anno 1631. I departed from Agra in the afternoone and that night went noe further then the other side of the River Jemina [Jamna], (Shecundra, 1 course)2, where wee stayed in a poore Sarae. The 18th December 1631. Wee came to Jellesere [Jalesar], (13 course), passing by and through theis Townes, vizt. Nusarae3, 3 course ; Aulkeera [Anwalkhera], 2 course ; Neemake sarae [Saral Nim], 4 Course ; and to this place, 4 course; in all 13 Course. This is a great Towne, haveing a Castle4. A Robberie — A daungerous place [Jalesar]. To day morninge in our way there was 7 or 8 bundles of Cowdunge fuell and a boy standinge by it, whoe told us that a litle before day certaine theeves had carried away [Page 72] Two weomen, 4 Oxen and 6 asses, which were goeinge towards Agra, and meeteing them in that place, threw downe the fewell and boy, takeinge along with them the Weomen and Cattle, departed ; hereabouts beinge the most daungerous place for Robbers that is in all India (by report), as usuall neere to great Citties. Alsoe att Neemeke Sarae, where wee baited, there was taken per- force from thence the foregoeinge night two Horses and some Carts. The 19th December 1631. This Towne is also called Shecundra1 (8 course). It hath a Castle ; nothinge els to day worth Notice. The 20th December 1631. Wee discerned this place (Cole [Koil]2, 14 course) longe before wee came to it, because it standeth on a round hill, haveing a highe Tower on the topp that may bee seene a farr offe3. It is a faire Towne with a Castle, but in none of theis Castles could I perceave any Ordinance. Halfe way wee past through another great Towne called Ecbareabad [Akbarabad, now Akrabad], much dispeopled by sicknes.

18. Munares with dead mens heads.

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It is built of purpose, in forme like a Pigeon howse.... Theis heads were of certaine Theeves lately taken by the Fousdare [faujdar] of this government, Tage Ckaun [Taj Khan]2. There bodies were hunge upp by the heeles in a grove of Mango trees, and by which wee also passed through. A Fousedarre is a Captaine of 2 or 3000 horse with 5 or 6000 foote, more or lesse accordinge to the place where hee is sent, appoynted of purpose to keepe that part of the Countrey quiet4 there beinge a Governour besides ordinarilie ; but this man held both places, haveinge his maintenance from the Labourers whoe are generally Hindowes, whome they call Gauares5, useing them as the Turks doe the poore Christians that live under his Tyrannie (in some parts), takeinge from them all they can gett by their labour, leaveinge them nothinge but their badd mudd walled ill thatched covered bowses, and a few Cattell to till the ground, besides other misseries6 [Page 74] Heere nowe are in this Castle about 200 of them2prisoners, because they cannot pay the Tax imposed on them, which heretofore was paid when their Corne was sold ; but now they must pay for it in the ground. This is the life of the Hindoes or Naturalls of Hindostan etts. [and other] parts of India under the subjection of the Mogoll hereawaies. The 24th December 1631. I departed from Cole and qame to Kerneabaz [Karanbas] (17 course), seated on the bancks of the river Ganges (called heere Gonga [Ganga]). In our way wee passed through divers Townes, as Shirta [Chherat], Shercoopoore [Shekhupur] where wee baited, also ^3, att whose gate wee found the brother to Raia Aneerae4 (in whose Jagaere5 wee now were), with [Page 75] many other on horseback, and footmen armed with Guns, bowes, launces, etts. demaunding of us what wee were and whither wee went that way. To whome, giveing faire words, wee passed.

19. Ganges River.

Ganges River. The River Ganges (vulgarly called Gonga, by somme of the better sort, Ganghem)2, soe famous in auntient tymes and att present, and noe lesse honoured by the Hindooes, Had att this place (3 course [from Karanbas]) and tyme noe more water then runneth before Blackwall att full Sea (it beinge now out of the raynes) ; neither were the Bancks much more then 1/2 a mile from side to side hereabouts, although both above and belowe it the Channell appeares to be above 2 miles in breadth, which is full of great shelves and bancks of verie white sand, amonge which the water runneth heere and there. Att the place where I passed over is about 7 or 8 fathome deepe, the water of somewhat a darke Greene. In tyme of Raines it overflowes the Bancks the distance of 8 or 9 miles, the banck of the hither side somewhat highe, and the Countrie for 10 or 12 course verie fruitefull, pleasant, peaceable, and well governed, being in the Jaggueere of Raja Aneera [Page 76] aforesaid. Of Ganges I can say noe more att present, although the superstitious Hindoos reporte a thousand fables of it, and come as many miles almost to wash themselves in it cleane of all their sinns, it being accompted most sacred amongst them. I passed to the farther side in a small boate, but swamme back, it being not very broad, as afore mentioned. The 25th December 1631. I returned to Cole (17 course) where in fewe dayes I bought, weyed, filled and skinned 40 great fardles1 of Indico, enordringe some servants to goe to convey it to Agra, myselfe being to goe for Shawgur [Shergarh]2about the Companies Saltpeter lyeinge there. The 8th January 1631/2. I came to Shawgurr (8 course), where I weighed, filled, skinned, and bowsed about 400 Fardles Saltpeter. This is the onlye place about Agra where it is sold and made, which is after this manner. From about 20 Course of[f] they bring a kinde of earth on Carts, which is spread abroad in places made of purpose, powringe water thereto, which in few dayes will Cake like Ice on the Topp. This they take away now and then, and after refine it by boylinge it in water, all the durt and trash goeinge to the bottome. This is the best Saltpeter that is transported out of India to Christendome3 [Page 77] With the Courser sort, water or other drincks are made very Coole in this Countrey in tyme of heats, by puttinge a quantitie to dissolve into a Kettle of water ; and in it they continually stirr the vessell with the fresh water etts. till it growe coole1

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20. RELATION VIII. A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA IN THE BORDERS OF BENGALA, WITH 8 CARTS LADEN WITH QUICKSILVER, A SMALL PARCELL OF VERMILLION, AND SOME ENGLISH CLOTH FOR THE ACCOMPT OF THE HONBLE. COMPANIE, TO BEE THERE SOLD AND RETURNES MADE1, AS ALSO TO SEE THE STATE OF THE COUNTREY AND WHAT HOPES OF BENEFITT BY TRADEINGE INTO THOSE PARTS, VIZT.

The 6th August Anno 1632, I departed from our howse in Agra, beinge in the Streete called Pullhuttee [phal-hatti, fruit and vegetable market], and crossing over the river, I came to Noore mohol ca Sara (I course), which is a very faire one, built by the old Queene Noore mohol [Nur Mahal] for the accommodation of Travellers2, in which may stand 500 horse, and there may conveniently lye 2 or 3000 people ; All of Stone, not one peece of Timber in it, the roomes all arched, each with a severall Copula. It [Page 79] Stands betwene Two gardens, built also by her1 The 7th August 1632.... You shall understand that on my request to the President and Councell att Suratt to lycense my repaire to my Countrie (my tyme being neere expired)4 [Page 80] they graunted it ; and thereupon sent upp the said Mr Robinson to supply my place in case of my departure. Hee came with one Captain Quaile as his Lievetennant in1 Swally about2 ; and by reason of the great mortallitie3(as alsoe haveinge very good parts of his owne) [he] was entertained4, and sent uppon [(sic), up here] with 253 barrells of Quicksilver, under Conduct of Mr John Leach- land as farr as Brampore ; and from thence to Agra himselfe came with it, whoe alsoe brought about 100 Quintalls^ of Vermillion and 25 or 26 Balles [bales] of Broadcloth.

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21. Directions and Instructions given by us the President and Councell of India in behalfe of the honble. Company to our good freindes Mr John Leachland and Mr John Robinson, in this their Journey for Brampore [Burhanpur] and Agra, with the Quicksilver and Vermilion this yeare Landed1

The great quantities of Quicksilver and Vermilion brought out by private traders in the James and her fleete the passed yeare and the Mary&ca., this to the honble. Companys extraordinary Losse and hindrance, hath moved us to take to consideration some waie or meanes how to cutt the combe of private traders and to reduce the foresaid Comodities to their pristine esteeme and valuation here. The former wee find, Like Hercules his fight with the Hidra, when one head is cutt of, two come in the place ; the latter wee have strong hope to accomplish, our freindes Mr Kremlin &ca. in Agra advizing us in divers Letters the fore- named Comodities to be worth rupees 5 and 5 1/2 that seare, being of 30 pice, and is rupes 3 the Surratt scare of 18 pice, which being far more hopefull then Ms. [mahimudis] 3 and 31/2, as the price is made here (by the jugling of our Mariners and Banians together at Swally), and the proceede profitable to the Company for the supply of our enordered Indico Investment against next yeare, and saving much money Lost usually in Expences, Wee have resolved upon the sending up of all this yeare Landed by the waie of Brampore. And being deprived by the hand of Almightie God of a great number of our able freindes, have cause to give you thankes Mr John Leichland, in that at our request, before Mr Rastell his death, you accepted on the convoy of Quicksilver, treasure, &ca. for Amadabad and goodes backe againe, and now also of this imployment with these goodes for Agra, and therefore doe confer on you the full power and authoritie in convoy of the same thither, being well assured your Language and experience in the Countrey Customes and manners will passe through [Page 82] all difficulties with facillitie. Notwithstanding, for your more comfort and societie in this your Journey, wee have ordeined Mr John Robinson your Assistant and Coadjutor, who without doubt wilbe respectfull and conformable unto your injunctions ; you have along with you for more safetie on the waie 4 English Musketeers who are to attend you till arrival at Brampore or encountring with the Agra Caphila, and after to returne hither in Company of the said Caphila... If your arrivall at Brampore male produce anie hope of sales either of Quicksilver, Vermillion, or Cloath, you have an Invoice herewith delivered you to divert you therein, and wee earnestly desire you to putt of what you can, either to the kings Circar [the sarkdr of Agra] or otherwise. And for your better helpe therein have dispenced with our Court Broker Jaddo [Jadu], whose assistance wee well know will stood you in all things... Wee make account not to give you anie advices for carefulnes and vigilance on the waie is needles, the danger of travailing in this Countrie being well knowne unto you, wherefore to the Almighties pro- tection and your owne watchfull circumspection wee refer you. [Page 83] You are fitted with strong waters and sword blades to gratifie anie freindes or to use your selves on the waie. Racke ['arak] as you know being dearer here then strong waters in England, what remaines wee praie you deliver to Mr Fremlin. You have also a faire Persian horse, which wanteth nothing but good feeding, the famine of this place having deprived horse and man of their fitting alloweances which other times have afforded. Wee praie you sell him there if possible Your assured Loving Freind Joseph Hopkinson. Mr John Leachland, an Englishman, sometymes the Companies servant, haveing done prime offices, for the love of an Indian Woman refused to returne to his Countrie (his tyme being out), and soe lives with her in Suratt, by whome hee had sundrie Children The 8th August Anno 1632. Wee departed from Noore Moholca Sarae and came to Ahmudpore [Mahmijdpur], (6 course), nothing happeninge on the way worthie notice, only two rancks of Trees, on each side of the waie one, which from neere to Agra reacheth to this place. The trees are distant one from the other about 8 or 9 ordinarie stepps, and the rancks from side to side about 40. It is generally knowne that from Agra there are such rancks of [Page 84] Trees which reach as farr as Lahore1, beinge 300 Course, and they say this doth to Puttana [Patna], done by Jehangereere [Jahangir], the Father of this kinge [Shah Jahan], planted for the ease of Travellers and for shade in hott weather2"The Sort of Trees are Neeme (like to Ashe), Peeplee (like great Peare trees), Dhaca and Bhurr, with broad leaves ; and others, which continue all waies greene, as most of all the Trees in India doe the like. The 9th August 1632. In the way hither (Perozabad [Firozabad] 7 course) is a faire Tanck [at 'Itimadpur] four square, called Etmead ca talao ['Itimad kd taldo\ with a faire building in the middest and a bridge to goe to it4. In theis Taloes [talao] or Tancks, Gardens, Tombes, Saraes [sarai], Beaulies [baoli] or deepe wells, Theis Countrie people bestowe great Cost and are very curious in [particular about] them during their lives ; but the founders being dead, if they goe to ruyne, they are seldome repaired, for heere noe man enjoyes lands or anything els but during the Kings pleasure. This Tanck is accompted one of the most auntient in India. Perozabad, where wee lay, is a good bigg Towne5

22.

[Page 85]

The l0th August 1632. Cominge from Perozabad, wee saw the Laskarr [lashkar, camp] of Mirza Muckay [Mirza Makki]1 whoe had pitched his Tent a litle without the Towne, which made a verie gallant Showe, your {sic) smaller Tents like comon buildinges, and the other great faire Tents like to principall howses, and of the better Sort. Hee was goeing to Odesha Jagurnaut [Jagannathpur in Orissa] to be Governour. It is a place 300 Course beyond Puttana. Some 2 course short of our Monzull3 (Shekee Sara [Shikohabad] 8 course), wee passed through a small Towne called where the Kinge kept many Eliphants to feede, whereof there were 25 sent to Bengala by way of Puttana with them, to Catch wilde Elephants in the deserts there, which allthough they did declare unto us the [Page 86] manner, yett had I not then soe much understanding in the Language to conceive their true meaninge, my broker being then att the Laskarre of Mirza Anatola to see some of his freinds there, whoe came to us att night to our Monzull. The 11th August 1632. Betwene Shekee Sarae and this place (Raherbuns ca Sara) nothinge more then a great Tancke, called Todermulcatalo [Todar Mai ka talao], and the continueance of our Rancks of Trees. The 12th August 1632. In this place (Etaya [Etawa] 7 course) sitts a Governour of a Jaggueere, whoe hath under him 1200 small Townes, this being the head, which stands upon the River of Jemina [Jamna] that runs by Agra. Neere the river the ground is wonderfull broken and deepe, like to that of Dholpore, but not soe badd3 [Page 87] Also the oyle of Chambelee [chambeli, jasmine]of this place is much esteemed for goodnes and Cheapnes, with which men, but especially weomen, annoynt their heads dayly, and their bodies when they wash (which is verie often); accompted also verie wholsome. The place it selfe, exceptinge the residence of a Governour and what afore mentioned, is of litle esteeme, scarce any bazure [bazar], nor a good streete. What is to be had is in the Sarae half a mile from the Towne, lyeing in the high waye, There beinge a Sarae within where wee laye, from whence wee went to the Rivers side, beinge a good Course off, close to which stands a Castle on high

23. Great Lighters.

And in the River are many great lighters [barges], such as are in Agra, from whence to this place theie transporte to and againe [to and fro], and from hence down to the River Jemina [Jamna] into Ganges, and soe to Puttana and farther into Bengala, as also from Agra, Their Cheifest lading being salt, which is heereabouts digged out of the mountaines. They are att least 3 or 400 Tonus a peece, both ends extraordinarie high. They goe downe in short [Page 88] tyme, but are five tymes as longe comeing back againe, being to be pull'd against the streame, although in tyme of drought ; but in the tyme of raynes they sett out when the Rivers are full and Currents swifte. All the way as wee came hither, pleasant, plaine, and fruitefull, I meane of graine. The 13th August 1632. Buckever [Bakewar Khanpur], (7 course). The 14th August 1632. Jannake Sara [Janaki Sarai] (9 course). The 15th August 1632. Shecundra [Sikandra], (10 course). The 16th August 1632. Bognee ca Sara [Bhognlpur] (9 course). These 4 dayes nothinge happened more then ordinarie, vizt., many feilds of Corne, Talaoes, etts. Exceptinge betwene Jannakee Sarae and Shecundra, there came into our Showbutt [shabbat] or Companye a prettie litle girle of about 10 yeares of age, whoe upon hard usage had runn away from her Mistres, and would goe alonge with us for meate, whether [whither, i.e., wherever] wee would carry her. But wee durst not protect her, fearinge shee might have bene some slave (as most likelie), And her master after to finde her with us might alleadge wee had stolne her away, and what els hee pleased, Wee haveing att present a great charge and few frinds in theis parts (to say trueth, none at all); and soe to avoyd what daunger might ensue thereon, if wee should chaunce to light on some wicked and Covetous Governour (as they are all), wee, I say, for the aforesaid reasons, forbadd her to come neere. Yett followed [Page 89] The 17th August 1632. From Bogneeca Sarae wee came to this place (Sanka ke Sara [Shankar kl Saral], 6 course), but our plaine ground turned into Craggs, such as are about. Dholpore, but nothing neere soe many nor soe deepe2 Some places were plaine but wilde and overgrowne, where wee had the sight of divers Chase, As whole heards of Antelops, Jacalls, etts., both which our doggs chased, but nothinge the neere. Also store of Fowle, As wilde duck, Pigeons, and other strange fowle unknowne in our parts. Of theis wee saw all the way, and by Domingoes^ helpe killed some. Two course before wee came to this place, wee passed through Chuppergutta [Chaparghata], where is the fairest and formalest Sarae that I have yett seene, with 4 faire Towers att the 4 Corners, and 2 stately gates att comeinge in and goeing out, with a verie highe wall round about, full of Battlements, as yett all compleat. By it runs a litle River with a stone bridge over it4. It runns into Jemina, which was againe in sight not 1/2 a mile off

24.

[Page 90]

The 18th August Anno 1632. By the waie hither (Gattumpore [Ghatampur], 6 course), wee saw Labourers with their guns, swords, and bucklers lyeing by them, whilest they ploughed the ground, being att varience with a litle Towne 1/2 a mile out of the way, on our right hand as wee came, whoe were Manasse or Rebells3 The way all plaine and past over a little river. As yett, to my remembrance, I have not scene a fountaine in all that I have gone, Vizt., from Suratt to Agra, and from thence to this place. Heere wee found Taheber Raun [Tahir Khan], a Patau [Pathan], whoe came from Nishaminabaz [Nizamabad in Jaunpur], and was goeing to the kinge, beingf sent for. [Page 91] For the Hindowes, when they are abroad, have a Custome to make a Circle or signe 1 about the place where they dresse their Resoy [rasoi, meals], rice or victualls, into which, if a Christian, a Mogoll or any stranger doe enter or have but a hand or a foote within it, they accompt all their meat polluted. Now my hand touchinge the Pynne, the pynn the Cow dunge and fire, the fire the pott, and the pott the meate that was in it, it was all one as I had handled there meate, which is abhominable amongst them. In conclusion, I gave them soe much money to buy them more graine, or els they had fasted2. The 19th August 1632. This place (Corrura [Kora Khas], 7 course) is the biggest and best furnished of any wee sawe since our comeinge out of Agra. Heere is a Governour, whoe hath 370 Townes in his Jaggueere; a prettie River [the Rind] with stone bridge, great store [Page 92] af greene Rice in our way, whose nature is that the ground whereon it grows must be covered with water. From this place Ganges is six corse of[f] and Jemina seven. The 20th August 1632. Wee pitched our palle [pal, tent] a litle beyond the Towne (Bandukee ca Sara [Bindkl Khas], 7 course) amongst a few Trees. The way comeing out of the Last Towne for about two Course verie badd ; the rancks of Trees I formerly speake of is much decayed hereabouts, being cutt downe and fallen downe, etts., and noe order for supplie in the voyd places, although hitherto they have continued in reasonable manner; here and there some wantinge. The 21th August 1632. About two course from the last Towne, as wee passed was heard by us sundry reports, as it were of small shott. Wee could not tell what to Judge of it, some saying that the Theevish Gaware [ganwar, gawar] Townes were by the eares amonge themselves, some one thing, some another. But the trueth is wee remained in great feare all night last, beinge advised by the Towne people to looke well to our selves although wee were within a stones Cast of the Towne (Fattapore [Fatehpur], 7 course [from Bindki Khas]), for all the rest of the Townes neere adjoyninge, being ten or twelve in number, were theeves and enemies to this. All this dayes waye was even a wildernesse, nothinge but thicketts, bushes, etts., whereon wee found sondrey sorts of fruits and flowers, takeinge what wee liked, heere and there a plott of Tillage [cultivated ground] and some small villages. Wee past it hard to day, by reason of the deepe myry way and durtie, rany weather, haveing not had any all the way till nowe, which is very strange, it beinge now the tyme of the raynes; And as afore is said, the last night wee tooke litle Rest, [Page 93] lookeing to be assaulted, it behooved us to be watchfull and to stand to our guard.

25. A Strange Relique.

About Sunsett, Sunderdesse [Sundar Das], my broaker, out of a small purse takes a little Clay and eateth it. I demaunded the reason. Hee told mee it cam off his Takoors [Thakur] feete and to be eaten in tyme of great daunger (which he apprehended to be nowe), And that if hee should chaunce to be slaine by the enemies, his soule should iinde repose. It is made thus. Hee that is soe devoted takes water out of the River Jemina [Jamna], and washeth his Takurs feete. After [he] taketh a litle earth of the said river and putteth it into the said Water where- with he washed his feete, and stirringe it about, lefts it settle, makes a lumpe of it, dryes it, caries it about him, and useth it as aforesaid1. Takur in their Language signi- fies Lord, which they give to men of common ranck many tymes. [Page 94] Kisne, they say, was borne in Muttra, Raja Cons [Kansa] beinge then Kinge of the Countrey [Muttra, Mathvira], whoe was advised by Wizards [Narada] that his Sister [Devaki] should bring forth a sonne that should dispossesse him of kingdome and life. This [Thakur] is the division but of one Caste, there beinge many of the said Casts, as Khattrees, Bramanes [Brahman], Rashpootes [Rajput], Bacnanes [Baniya], etts. ; and every of theis againe devided as aforesaid, neither of theis eateing with other, and seldome marryeinge out of their Casts soe devided [Page 95] The 22th August 1632. This dale was even such an other daies travell as yesterday, saveing the Rayne, for to daie wee had none. Wee remained hard by the Towne (Loodee ca naguera [LodhI ka Nagara] 7 course), there being noe Sarae heere. The 23th August 1632. Wee came hither (Apphoy ca Sarae [Rampur Aphol], 8 course) late, by reason of the badnes of the way, beinge more then the two former full of pitts and pooles of water, whereby wee found a great deale of trouble; for ever and anon one Cart or other would be fast.

26. A Banjara or Tanda what it is.

In the morninge wee mett a Tanda or Banjara of Oxen 1, in number 14,000, all layden with graine, as wheat, rice, etts. ; each Oxe, one with another, carryeinge 4 great Maunds, each Maund neere 16 Gallons is 112,000 bushells London measure wee haveing formerly mett many of theis Banjaraes or Tandas comeing from theis parts, all goeing for Agra, from whence it [the grain] is againe carried to other places. Theis Banjares carrie all their howsehold alonge with them, as wives and children, one Tanda consisting of many families. Their course of life is somewhat like to Carriers, continually driveinge from place to place. Their Oxen are their owne. They are [Page 96] sometymes hired by Marchants, but most commonly they are the Marchants themselves, buyinge of graine where it is Cheape to be had, and carryeinge it to places where it is dearer, and from thence againe relade themselves with any thinge that will yeild benefitt in other places, as Salt, Sugar, Butter, etts. There may bee in such a Tanda 6 or 700 persons, men, weomen and Children. ....Theis people goe dispersedly, driveing their Laden Oxen before them, their Journey not above 6 or 7 miles a daye att most, and that in the Coole. When they have unladen their Oxen, they turne them a graizeinge, heere being ground enough, and noe man to forbidd them.

27. Paan what it is

Wee also sawe some feilds of Paan [pan], which is a kinde of leafe much used to bee eaten in this Countrie, thus: First they take a kinde of Nutt called Saparoz [supari, areca-nut], and comonly with us Bettlenutt which, broken to peeces, they infold in one of the said leaves, and soe put it into their mouthes. Then take they of the said leaves, and puttinge a little slaked lyme on them, they also put into their mouthes, and after them other, untill their mouthes are reasonably filled, which they goe champinge, swalloweing downe the Juice till it be drie; then they spitt it out. It is accompted a grace to eat it up and downe the Streets and [is] used by great men. There is noe vesitt, banquett, etts. without it, with which they passe away the tyme, as with Tobaccoe in England; but this is very [Page 97] wholsome, sweete in smell, and stronge in Taste. To Strangers it is most comonly given att partinge, soe that when they send for Paane, it is a signe of dispeedinge, or that it is tyme to be gon. The 24th August 1632. Some 3 Course in our waie wee past by Khera [Kara], a populous place 1 seated on the River Ganges. In my opinion a man could not desire a pleasanter parcell of ground of that kinde, it beinge all in litle round hills about the Cittie, eache conteyninge a faire Tombe, a village or a grove of trees; soe that it made a very faire shewe, being all in prettie litle hills and dales. Hard by runns the river.... Khera is a Jaggueere [jagir] of 370 Townes, Governour Atmee Ckaun ['Itmad Khan]. Heere is a very great and auntient Castle. From thence wee came hither (Shawzaadpore [Shahzadpur], 6 course), which is also on the said River, and lay in a Sarae. Round about Khera, as alsoe before wee came neere it, wee sawe and past through many groves of Mango trees Sett in Rancks by measures. The trees are very greene and faire to see to; the leafe hath a most pleasant smell and the fruite as good a Taste. Heere was a Springe of Water, the first that I have scene in India, though questionlesse there bee many thousands. A litle without the Towne (I meane Khera) wee past by some howses, where they made Rack ['arak] of Mowa a kinde of fruite in this Countrie. The rack was none of [Page 98] the best, neither could I meete with any all the way hither worth the drincking to supply my store, it being forbidden to bee made or sold on great penalties, and what is soe done is by stealth. Here at Shawzaadpor'e is great store of the best paper made, and from thence sent to other parts ; Also Pintadoes or chints1 It is finely seated on the River Ganges, a great place and populous. In some kinde it may bee compared to Constantinople, standinge on manie litle hills, which lye alongst the River side; but it wants greatnes and state. There is one streete in it above the rest that deserves notice and Commendations; For, besides that it is very longe and straight, it hath a rowe of trees on each side before the doores, whose topps meete alofte, soe that you seeme to bee in a faire longe Arbour walke. Betwene the Towne and the River side, is a good plaine or Meadowe, all so wen with Rice, then a groweinge. In conclusion, it is a dainty seate. The 25th August 1632. This morninge wee past by another Tanda of Oxen, in number 20,000 (as themselves said), laden with Sugar, of which there could not bee lesse then 50,000 English hundred weight, att 2 1/2 cwt. to each Oxe. The Goods lay piled on heapes, by reason of Rayne, covered with great redd palles [pal, a low tent], of the which in my Judgment, there could not bee lesse then 150, which resembled a reasonable Laskarr or Campe. They were bringinge their Oxen together to Lade and away, whoe lay grazeinge all over the plaine by the river side, by which wee also went this day. [Page 99] ....The Sugar aforesaid was goeinge for Agra, of which and other provisions, as Butter, Rice, &c., all the Countrie towards which wee went, as Porub1 and Bengala, did most plentifully abound, and therewith supplied many other places. As much land as wee passed from Agra hetherto is verie plaine, fruitefull, well manured [cultivated] and Inhabited, with good ac- comodation for Travellers, as many faire Saraes and Tancks all the way.

28.

The 26th August 1632. Wee came to this place (Hooredeabad 8 course), past through it, and pitched betwene it and Helahabaz [Allahabad]. Hereby is the Sepulcher of Sultan Cozoo [Khusru], eldest Sonne to Jehangueere. It stands in a faire Garden", before whose gate is a good Sarae [Khuldabad]. All this day wee travelled alonge by the river [Ganges], a litle distance of

[Page 101]

29. A Beaulee what it is.

By the garden is a faire Beaulee [baoli] or Well, which goeth downe with 120 and odd stepps with faire galleries and Arches, with roomes and Chowetrees [summer houses] to sett in fresco [in the fresh air] withinside, all the way downe beinge spacious, easie and lightsome, Soe that a litle Child may goe downe and drinck with his hand. 2 Right over the place where the water lyes is a faire mouth of a well, from whence they drawe water with potts. Oxen, or otherwise. The best of this Kinde that I have yett seene (although they are very comon in most parts of India) is att Ibrahumavad [Ibrahimabad], neere to Byano [Biana, Bayana], some Course from Agra, not soe deepe as this, but surpassinge in Stately gates, Copulaes, Arches, Chow- trees, Galleries, stone pillars, roomes both above and belowe, a verie costly and curious peece of Worke, built by the old Queene [Nur Mahal], the mother to Shaw Jehaan, as I take it.3 [Page 107] The 27th August 1632. In our way hither (Jussee [JhusI], 2 course) wee came to Ellahabaz [Allahabad], a Cittie and a Tackht [takht, throne, court], or place where Kinges have kepte residence and governed in them, of which are Dilly [Delhi], the first and most Auntient, Then CabuU [Kabul], Lahore, Adgemere [Ajmer], Caz- meere [Kashmir], Agra, Futtapore [Fatehpur Sikrl] within 12 Course thereof, This place and others. Brampore [Burhanpur] is accounted none, though it bee a great Cittie and the Kings abideinge there about two Yeares, by reason his stay was for warfare. Heere is an excellent faire Castle, resemblinge much [Page 108] that in Agra, though not soe great nor soe high. It is a very curious and compleate one to beholde, of redd stone. It hath many rare devices, As before the principall Gate is a Semi-circle, takeinge a great Compasse, in which are five other gates, where you must passe through (I meane one of them), before you come to the greate gate .... It hath faire battlements, adorned with a number of Copulaes [cupolas] small and greate2. It stands just in that poynt of land which the river Ganges and the river Jemina [Jamna] doe make att their meeteinge together, soe that 2 sides thereof are washed with theis two rivers. Towards the waterside. Without the walls/ some seaven yards from the ground, there is built in the said Castle Wall a verie faire stone gallerie for people to passe round about that part that lyes in the water3. [Page 109] Wee stayed untill tesserapore [tisra pahar] or three a Clock afternoone, before wee could bee fitted with boates, with which being provided, wee crost over the river Ganges, driveinge a mile downe, till wee came where Jemina enters into it, which then is called Ganges, and haveinge attained the other shore, wee hailed alongst [hauled, sailed along] by it, till wee came to be right over against [opposite] the place where wee embarked. Ganges where I sawe it broadest may bee about 3/4 mile over, a good streame, how deepe I knowe not1. Heere wee lay close to the Rivers side. The 28th August 1632. Wee came to this place (Barramal ca Sarae2, 8 course) and lay att the end of the Towne. In the morneinge wee past by Zeffe Ckauns Laskarre [Saif Khan's lashkar] which he hath provided and is still makeinge more force, and for this occasion. About one moneth since, Mirza Ahiya, [Mirza Yahya], Zeffe Ckauns sonne, was comeinge from Puttana, and passeinge through Ahumoko Sarae [Ahu Mahal ki Sarai], some of his followers seized on some of the Townes people, carryeinge them away prisoners, there haveinee a Robberie bene comitted thereabouts and the [Page 110] goods found in that Towne. Theis Prisoners they carried through Buddy [Bhadohl], a great place which hath this under it and many others whoe seeinge their fellowes ledd prisoners, fell together by the Eares with Mirzaes people, soe that there were many of them slaine. Passing by the Laskarr, wee sawe divers whome wee tooke to be Tumblers, but it was told us they were souldiers, and did those exercises to harden and enure themselves to Labour, for they would tugg and wrestle one with an other, tumble on the ground, beatinge and thumpinge themselves thereon in a strange manner and postures This day [the way] was even a wildernesse over growne with shrubbs. The 29th August 1632. About a third of the way hither (Roherbuns ca Sarae, 5 course), passeinge by a little Towne, wee sawe a good Company in our way (where wee must goe), armed with longe bowes and swords, all naked, except a litle Shash [shash, turban, turban-cloth] about their heads and a Cloth about their midle, and [Page 111] Theis are the sort of Gauares [gawar, ganwar, rustic,- country-folk] called Manas or Rebbells, whoe take Jaggatt [jagat] or Custome on the way by their owne authoritie, and continue soe doeinge untill, upon Complaint, some Amrawe [amir] be sent against them with an Armie, burnes their Townes, sur- prizes them all, whereof some are put to death and the rest made slaves, Wittnesse Abdula Ckaunl.... About 10 a Clock, wee were overtaken with a tirreble gust, for there was very much winde, aboundance of rayne, thunder and lightninge, Our Carts that tyme goeinge all the way upp to the Axletree in water, soe that what through the Noyse of the Elements overhead, and what the water made under us, with the rowlinge of the Carts, sometymes on the one side, sometymes on the other, some- tymes upp over a banck, then downe againe into a pitt, with the Outcryes of Balloaches [Baluchls]6 and Carmen round about in saveins; some Carts from Overturninge and [Page 112] haileinge [hauling] others out of some hole where they stuck fast, I takeinge one for my shelter att that tyme where their was a strange savour — I say, all theis severall occurringe together, strooke into my fantasie [struck my imagination with] the greatest resemblance of a Sea storme aboard a Shipp for its continuance that ever I had in my life on shoare It lasted not above 2 howres. Heere [at ? Baraut] wee lodged in a Sarae. Right over against us was a Leopard with certaine Hawkes, which Nohabutt Chaun [Naubat Khan], Governour of Chanare [Chunar]2, sent to the Kinge. With these Leopards they take Antelopps or Deare, also the Leopard is taught to follow after the Oxe, Soe that the Oxe, seekinge to come amonge the wild ones, the Leopard beinge behinde him, when hee seeth his tyme, leaps forth and catcheth one of them by the Neck, which, if they can doe within 2 or 3 Leaps, well and good. If not, the Deare escapes, being too nimble for him. The ordinarie way is, the Leopard seekes by all meanes to come neere him covertlie, and then leaps forth as aforesaid. They use also greyhounds, with which they hunt the Antelopp, Wilde boare, Jacall Hare, etts.; but I have not scene any blood hounds or beagles. [Page 113] They have also trapps and Ginns to take any other beast alive, from the Elephant to the Mouse; Alsoe Hawkes of all sorts, with which they kill Fowle, haveing many Inventions to take all sorts of them alive. [Page 114] The 30th August 1632. This dayes Journey ([to] Jegdees ca Sarae [Saral Jagdis], 3 course) proved worse then the former, but noe rayne, although under foote all the way in a manner lay covered with water knee deepe, and some tymes more2 was marshy and uncultivated. Theis three courses were very troublesome. Wee sawe a great flock of Craynes but could not make a Shott att them.

30. Gurgaletts — a Cahare.

This morning went by us a score of Cahares [Kahars], with Coozars or Gurgaletts*, sent also by Nohabutt Ckaun to the Kinge. Gurgaletts are curious fine, thin, earthen potts to drinck coole water with. Of theis there bee ex- cellent good made in Chaenare [Chunar] above mentioned A Cahare is a fellow that on a peece of Bamboe (or great Caine) which lyes on his shoulder, will carry att either end [Page 115] thereof well 1/2 a Ouintall [cwt.], with which hee will travell 25 or 30 miles a daye, for hee goes a kinde of an easie leaping pace, or as it were gently runninge, The Bamboe yeildinge and bendinge att every stepp, soe that they Carrie more steddie then any other kinde of Invention that I knowe. They are most comonly imployed for carryeinge of Chinae, Christall, or any curious [skilfully wrought] brittle ware, Also of meat and drinck or any liquid thinge. Any Create man when he travells hath many of theis Cahares along with him, for the purposes aforesaid. The 31th August 1632, (Ahumohol ca Sara 4 course.) This is the place from whence Zefife Ckauns [Saif Khan's] people carried awaie the prisoners, Buddoy [Bhadohi] being 3 course off, right on our left hand. Three parts of the people are fledd from hence for feare of broyles. Wee lodged without the Towne, the way hither as bad as yesterdayes, much water.

31. A strange Journey.

A Cahare came along in our Companie, whoe carryed water of Treveni Sunga2 to Setebundra Messer3, which lyes on the Sea side in the gulfe of Bengala, 800 Course (as they say) from the place hee brings it, being of [off] the poynt [Page 116] of the Castle att Elahabaz [Allahabad], where Ganges and Jemina [Jamna] meete, called Treveny [TrivenI] of 3 rivers ; for a litle above, there runns one [the Sarasvati] into Jemina, and soe both together runne into Ganges. An extreame Superstition. This place of Treveny was soe much honoured in auntient tyme by the Hindoes that many of them would come by Boate just where the Two Rivers doe begin to Joyne, and there they would cawse themselves, beinge alive, to bee cutt in Two peeces, That one might fall into Ganges and the other into Jemina, by that means sacri- fiseinge themselves unto them, such Hollynesse doe they attribute to rivers, (especially to this place), but above all to the River Ganges, of whose water if they can gett a litle into their mouthes att their giveing upp the ghost, they account those more happie and blessed. The Cuttinge of themselves was used in former tymes, now forbidden, but the other generally observed. This by Common report. [Page 117] To returne to our Journey. Towards nighte came a fellow with a good Sword and buckler with some others in his Company, of whome wee were advised to beware, especially to look to our horses, for that those came as Spies, which made us, whoe before lay Seperated, to with- drawe ourselves and horses within the Compasse of our Carts, which wee brought into the manner of a Roundle [circle]. The night was very darke, the place as notorious, haveing [Page 118] formerly taken 30 rupees per Cart of others. This part of the Countrie belonginge to Raja Seufdas [Raja Shiv Das] wee could expect noe lesse then they promised, for out of those Manas-Townes by beateinge a Drumme they would gather a great number of People in a Trice. ....The passage this way betwene Ellahabaz [Alla- habad] and Bacmaroz [Benares] was att present verie badd, aswell for the aboundance of water, bad way and uneven ground as for the molestation by Rebells. Had wee gonne by waye of Johunpore [Jaunpur], a great Cittie, [a] matter of 2 dayes Journey the farther about, wee had saved both cost and trouble ; but wee were informed that this way was as cleare as the other, Soe tooke it as the neerer. In con- clusion, this great threatninge Cloud was dissolved with the payment of a matter of 14 rupees in all, our Carters takeing their oathes it was munition [provisions] ; and soe wee slept that night a litle more quieter then wee expected. The 1st September 1632. About 10 a Clock wee came to this place (Baboo Ca Sarae [Saral Babu]). In this Sarae was a Thefte committed on Mirza Aheeyaes [Mirza Yahya] people. The stollen goods was carried to Ahumoholl Ca Sarae and sold there. [Page 119] This part is under a Raja, whoe holds it of the Kinge, the people Rashpootes [Rajputs] and Bramanes [brahmans], their Townes consistinge of poore lowe howses, which on a small ocasion they fire, runninge to the woods and deserts, where they are hard to be found out. Their Armes : swords and Bucklers, with extraordinary longe bowes of above 6 foote, and broad headed Cuttinge Arrowes, a people tall and stronge to see to, apparralled, as is before mentioned. The 2d September 1632. Within i Course of Baboo ca Sarae [Sarai Babu], wee mett more of our last nights un- welcome ghuests, whoe peremptorilie demaunded Jagatt [jagat, custom], beate back our Oxen, scarce sufferinge a man to expostulate. Yett soe farr wee asked them whether [Page 120] they were not the Kings Subjects. They quickly told us That the Countrie was theires, and that the Kinge was their Subjecte. Wee expected more but mett them not, there being a very faire Sarae and a Tanck now a buildinge [at Saral Babu], which goes not forward by reason the Gawares [ganwar] say the ground is theirs, soe that untill hee [the Raja] gett a Firman [farman, royal grant] from the Kinge (which hee is now about), it will not goe. In this Sarae (Mohun Ca Sarae [Mohan Sarai], 6 course) were Cabull Ckauns [.? Qabil, Qabul or Kabull Khan's] people, who is Diwan of Puttana [diwan of Patna]. They carrie from him to the Kinge some lo or 12 Moynas [maina], a Bird of Bengala, which learneth to speake very plaine, in Coulour and Forme like a blackbird, but thrice as bigge. Heere wee made account wee were secure, but about Sunsett came into the said Sarae 16 or 18 Gawares [ganwars] whereof 4 or 5 horsemen and some of them were knowne by our people to bee of those that stood by the way, and reported in the Sarae they came of purpose to seeke for us, [Page 121] to the Metrannees [mihitarani] or Betearees [bhathi- yari] of the Sarae to warne their guests to looke to them- selves, for that there were soe many people of Buddoy [Bhadohi] entred in. Metrannes or Betearees are certen Weomen in all Saraes2, that looke to the litle roomes there and dresse the Servants meate, accomodateinge them with Cottes [khat, bed] etts. needfull to bee had ; of these some have 2, some 3 or 4 roomes a peece, for which in the morninge wee pay I pice or 2 pice each. They live likewise in the said Roomes with their husbands and Children. There husbands most comonly are Cahares [Kahars], Fowlers or Fishers, for the most part abroad. Sometymes it is a sport to Travellers to see them fall out about a Chipp or a peece of a pott, scowldinge and raileinge 5 or 6 howres together, Soe that when the mother is weary then the daughter riseth and takes her part, and after the daughter the husband, soe takeing Turnes, useing the most beastliest and revileinge termes they can invent, rippinge upp one anothers faults in publique ; and shee that overcomes is not a litle prowd and joyfull, as the other is vexed. [Page 122] The 3d September [1632]. In the morninge, att our setting forth of the Sarae, wee fitted our selves in the best manner wee could for our defence, expectinge to have mett with the Buddoyns [Bhadohians], but they came not. Of all the Citties and Townes that I have seene in India, none resembles so much those of Europe as this Banaroz ([Benares], 3 course) doth a distance off, by reason of the many great and high Spires that are in it, which belonge to Pagodes or Hindoo Churches. Also when wee came into it, wee found it wondrous populous, good buildings, paved streets, but narrow and Crooked2. The 4th September [1632]. Wee remained heere all day, by reason our Carts were embargued by the Fowsdare [faujdar'] Muddafur beag [Muzaffar Beg] to transporte Keleeche Ckauns [Kulij Khan's] weomen and howshold stuffe from Ellahabaz [Allahabad] to Multan (hee being late Governour of the former, and now appoynted to the latter), hee himselfe gon before ; but with a bribe wee were freed. This place is generallie peopled with Hindoes of 3 sorts, vizt., Khattrees [Khatri], Bramanes [Brahman] and Banians [Banya], and resorted unto from farr, drawne hither by their superstitious reverence to the river Ganges (which runs by it). As also to divers Pagodes, Dewraes [deura, temple] or Churches. [Page 124] The Hindoes Ceremonies, Pilgrimages, strange Stories, Fained [pretended] miracles, etts. are soe many and soe various in every Province, that learge volumes would not conteyne them.

32.

The 5th September [1632]. From Bunaroz, crosseinge the river Ganges againe, wee came to Baderpore ([Baha- durpur], 1 course). The river is scarse 2 flight shott broad, but about 18 or 19 fathome deepe (as they say) and runneth very slowe. Wee went noe further this day, but rested in the Sarae in Company of a Mansubdare [mansabdar] belonginge to Abdulla Ckaun ['Abdu'llah Khan], and was travellinge towards Puttana with his howsehold and goods, his name Loote Bahadore [Lut Bahadur]. A Monsubdare is one under another that receives a Certaine Stipend or pay of soe many Horse to serve them in the Warrs The 6th September [1632]. About Tisserapore [tisra pahar, 3.0 p.m.] wee came to this place (Seersee ca Sarai [Saral Sirsl], 7 course) haveinge had some bad passages of water in many Townes and Tillage [rice-fields] ; and about [Page 125] some of their Townes were aboundance of Tarree [tari] Trees, where I was in hope to have found some Tarree or drinck, haveing neither seene nor Tasted any theis manye dayes ; but wee were told they nourished theis Trees cheifely for the leaves wherewith they made matts, etts. The 7th September [1632]. We came no farther to dale by reason wee were faine [obliged] to passe over a litle River called Carmanasca [Karamnasa] by boate, it beinge a litle too deepe for Carts to passe through without wetting the goods. Heere (Cajoora ca Sarae [Khajura], 3 course) on the Sand were prettie store of Muscles of those which in England wee call [cockles], whereof cawseinge some to be gathered and drest, I eate of them. It seemed strange to mee to find such in a fresh water River, att least 160 or 180 miles from the Sea. Only in this they differ ; ours are white and theis are black. Of this River the Khattrees [Khatri] and Banians [Banya] have an opinion that whatsoever Pilgrimage, Almes or other merritorious workes they may have done, yett if they doe but Chaunce to wett any part of their body with the water of it, that then all what they have done is not avail- able nor effectuall till they doe them over againe ; soe that they are very carefull how they passe it. The 8th September [1632]. To day wee had much trouble by reason That in many places there was much [Page 126] tough mire, that the Oxen were scarce able to draw through, and yett it had not rayned there in a moneth ; Soe that if there had fallen any store of raine, as is usuall att this tyme of the yeare, there had bene noe passage att all, or not above one Course a day att the most, all this day beinge as it were a Marish, overgrowne with a long kinde of grasse [rushes], such as in England wee make matts for bedds with or strewe in Churches as in the west Countrie. Neere our Monzull \inanzil, halting-place] (Saunt ca Sarae [Sawant], 4 course) wee passed over another litle River called Saunt, where wee had also Muscles [cockles] in the Sand. Theis 7 dayes wee had on our right hand prettie high, round rise- ing land, such as some part of England appeares to bee when a man is 5 or 6 leagues of att sea, which put mee in minde thereof Moreover, from Agra hitherto, the poorer sort of People that wee mett carried Ouintasoles [umbrellas] but course [ones], being made of leaves all in generall ; But from Suratt to Agra, Brampore [Burhanpur] way, I doe not remember I saw one.

33. Fighting of Antelopps — of Ramms.

Wee met to day many learge faire Tame Antelopps, sent by Abdulla Ckaun ['Abdu'llah Khan] to the Kinge, whoe keepes them to fight, the which [in] my opinion is but a slender sporte. For they comeinge to meete one another, hee that is strongest drives the other back. [Page 127] In India are used many other fightings of beasts, as of Eliphants, wild Buffaloes etts. [Page 128] Also wilde Buffaloes and Bulls, other tymes Tigers and lyons [fight] : to [also] the wilde boare and the Leopard ; to [also] the Antellope etts : [there are] divers others of this kinde of Sports Our pastime of Cockfightinge is not heere in use ; only among young men and boyes they have certen small black birds called bulbulls, and sometyme[s] Quailes, which make some sporte. The 9th September 1632. Todaies travell (Ckhoja ca Sarae [Khwaja ka Sara at Kathju], 6 course) much re- sembled yesterdayes (the River excepted), having the same Marish ground with the continuance of the high land. About 9 a clock wee mett Heiderbeag [Haidar Beg], an Amraw [amir] of 1500 horse, belonging to Zeffe Ckaun [Page 129] [Saif Khan], unto whom he was now goeing, and came from Puttana The 10th September 1632. Wee drewe neare to the Hillie Countrey, which shewed itselfe much more rugged then formerly it appeared to bee. To day a little better manured [cultivated] then former ; the way a litle dryer. Wee kept 4 Course alonge by the river. This Towne (Ckhorumauaz [Khurramabad], 6 course) was well sup- plyed with all necessaries ; hard by which is a prettie litle bridge. The 11th September 1632. About 3 howres before day wee parted from Ckhorumauaz, and neere midnight follow- inge wee came to this place (Souso Rame [Sasaram], 6 course), all by reason of some Mirie passages, soe tough and deepe, especially one of about a mile longe, that had it rained (according to Custome), there had bene noe passage att all, but should have bene faine [obliged] to have layen still many dayes, untill the way were something dryed upp. Heere is a very faire Tancke with a goodly Se- pulcher in the middst of it, with a bridge to goe to it, all of hewen stone. It is without question the formalist [most [Page 130] elaborately constructed] and largest Copula1 in all India, or that ever I saw elswhere, although the Mosques att Constanti- nople have those that are verie spacious. This within the Arch conteyneth above 32 of my ordinarie stepps, and (as I finde by triall that 4 make 3 yards att least) is 24 yards and maketh 72 feete ; soe much it is from side to side, a wonderfull breadth. This is the monument of Sereshawe [Sher Shah], the last Pattan [Pathan, Afghan] king whoe was driven from Dilly [Delhi] by Hamaon [Humayun], the father of Ecbar [Akbar], and retyring to theis parts, dyed5, and was heere buried under a small low Tombe or Hearse, with neere 20 such other small tombes about it, all under the [Page 131] said Copula The draught whereof, and the body of the whole Fabrick apperteyninge to it, I have endeavoured to expresse as by the figure on th' other side which I am certaine is very neere resemblinge the forme of it.

34.

This Countrey was wonn from the Puttans [Pathans] by Raja Mansinge [Raja Man Singh] for king Ecbar [Akbar] Also heere is another very large Tanck, the biggest I have yett seene, in Compasse 3 quarters of a mile att least, fower square, of hewen stone, the monument of Selim Shaw [Sallm Shah], with a spacious 4 squaire place in the .midle, overgrowne With bushes, haveing had a bridge to come to it, which now is broken and fallen. The earth that was taken out for the makeing thereof is Layd round about, neere halfe a flights shott from it, of an equall distance ; Soe that betwene it and the Tancke is a prettie plaine that goeth round the banck without side of an exceeding hight. In the said Tanck are many Aligators or Crocadiles [magar]9 which pray on certaine fowle which come to the midle part afore mentioned, [Page 132] These 10 or 12 dayes wee had in our waie many small Tancks, not of Stone worke, only the earth taken out and layd round about to make a receptacle for water in tyme of raine. Mirza Munchere [Mirza Manuchihr] is heere Governour and resides in the Castle halfe built by Muzaeffe Ckaun [Muzafifar Khan], his predecessor, whoe departed in all haste for Peeran Puttan [Patan in Baroda State] by the Kings appoyntment, leaveing his weomen and howshold stuffe to follow him. The 12th September 1632. Wee were glad to make a Moccame [makam, halt] heere (Souso Rame [Sasaram]) to refresh our Oxen that were sore laboured with yester- dayes tugging. In the afternoone wee went to take the Ayre. First wee went to Sereshawes [Sher Shah's] Tombe, but it was taken upp with Muzeaffe Ckauns [Muzaffar Khan's]weomen, soe there was noe admittance for that tyme ; from thence to Selimshawes [Sallm Shah's] Tancke, and then back againe to Chundenshawes [Chandan Shah's] Tombe, which stands on the Toppof a round Hill att the end of the high Land. The ascent was very difficult and steepie. [Page 133] The 13th September 1632. Betwene Souso Rame [Sasaram] and this place (Sherapore [Sherpur], 5 course) nothinge but a meere wood with some store of great trees ; But such woods and Forrests of them as are in England I have not seene as yett, in all I have gone hetherto ; The way today something better. The 14th September 1632. Wee crost over the River Soane [Son] ; first a matter of 3/4 Course over Sands and Shoulds [shoals], where Loaden Carts Could not passe3, our goods being carried on Oxens backs ; then by boate as much more, which was sett forward by Poles to the other side against the Streame ; then 1/2 a Course further, over sands againe (Cavullpore, 2 Course). The river is very broad, but shallowe, and scattringe in bancks and Shoaldes Wee were (as they say) the first loaden Carts that past that way since the raynes beganne, which had it kept its ordinarie course, as other yeares, wee had bene heere againe [Page 134] stopped. Wee had a little trouble to procure oxen, and in passing our goods. From hence, about 12 course off, appeares the Castle of Ruitas [Rohtas], one of the most famous of all India for height, bignes and strength, seated on a very high mountaine, That part that wee sawe beinge right upp and downe, like a steeple Cliffe on the Seashore. The 15 September 1632. This daye I left the Carts and departed before towards Puttana [Patna] to provide a place to howse our goods. In our way ([to] Budderpore [Badrabad], 17 course) wee past Aganoore ca Sara [Aganur], 10 Course, where our Carts made account to make their Monzull [manzil, stage]. The 16th September 1632. Nothinge more this day then that 2 course short untill wee came to this place (Naubuttpore [Naubatpur], 12 course) I may well say wee sawe a million of Mangoe trees in plotts and groves, as well right in our way as on both hands. The l7th September 1632. Wee came to this Cittie (Pattana, 8 course) ; noe wast ground all the way, but full of Mango Trees, Cocotrees, Sugar Canes, Cotten and graine ; Also the ranck of trees, which wee had lost soe many dayes since, appeared now againe, 3 or 4 Course off. The Cittie hath a mount of Earth round about it, upon the which is a wall, some 4 or 5 yards high, with battlements. It lyeth alongst by the river Ganges, it beinge about halfe a mile broad hereabouts, without bancks or sholds in appearaunce. [Page 135] The 14th November 1632. Haveinge accomplished my business I crossed over the River ([to] Hageepore Puttana, 4 course), and about 3 mile further wee went on sand and oaze, the river being now retired, but in tyme of rayne it is over flowen to the very Towne. This place is verye auntient [and nominated but now decayed], and in former tymes much resorted unto as cheife place in theis parts, all the Traffique [which was then in former tymes] now reduced to Puttana which hath bene built and Inhabited but of late Att the westerne side, close by the Towne, issues out a great river into Ganges, called Gunducke [Gandak]. Unto this place (as farr as I could heere) never yet arrived any English, Although about 12 yeres since there were att Puttana Mr Hughes and Mr Parker6, now both dead, [Page 136] whoe came to see the state of this Countrie, and to settle some Trade heere, but in shorte tyme after they returned back againe to Agra. From beyond this place to the Eastward are hither brought certen small horses, called Goonts [gunth] or Tangans [tanghan], which are of the same repute heere in India as our Cornish Naggs are with us in England, and have neere the same forme and Conditions, full of mettall, hard bredd and of great endurance. Hence wee returned to Puttana. The 15th November 1632. Wee went to Bendrabun [Brindaban] (3 course). By this place in a litle grove of Trees are about lOO Monkies, little and great, whoe have a certaine allowance yereley to maineteyne them, besides what straungers give them, for they are halfe Tame and will come neere for graine or sweete meats, but not suffer themselves to bee taken. Here they live and breed and drinck out of the River Ganges that runneth by them. [Page 137] This Eveninge wee returned to Puttana (3 course), and fitted our selves for our departure thence. From Agra hither wee find by the Calculation of our perticuler Journies to bee but 253 Course, though usuallie accompted 300, by reason of the extraordinary trouble and hindrance there is in passing rivers in the waye.

[Page 138]

35. RELATION 1X REASONS ALLEDGED BY PETER MUNDY, BEFORE HIS DE- PARTURE AGRA, THAT THE SENDINGE HIM FOR PUTTANA WITH THE COMPANIES GOODS MAY NOT ONLY PROVE TO THEIR LOSSE BUT IS PLAINLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT AND COUNCELLS INTENT AND MEANING.

Although my Principalis authoritie and ground for the doeinge thereof bee sufficient enough, yett I crave his leave and pardon if I sett downe my owne opinion thereon. I. That by sending away some part of the Quicksilver etts. nowe lyeinge dead in the Companies howse in Agra it may cawse the price of the residue to rise, the quantitie beinge deminished, which hee had an intent to have done [Page 139] longe before order came, being encouraged thereunto by Nurhar [Narhar], Virgee Voraes [Virji Vora's] vaqueil [vakil] or Factor, and others whoe certefied him that Quick- silver and Vermillion were worth in Puttana 4 and 41/2 rupees per Seere. [Page 140] (2). It cannot otherwise be presupposed but those Hindoes in Agra whoe are the Merchants of that Com- moditie as Bugwonti Das [Bhagwanti Das] etts., whoe were in hand for [dealing with] it, theis men, I say, if soe bee they had bought it, would send thereof to all parts hereabouts, and some to this, att an easier charge then wee can doe, and are as willinge to gett as ourselves; And now, seinge this place supplyed, will not give that price which otherwise they intended. (3). Putt the case it were certaine that Quicksilver etts. beare such a price : yett all men knowe that it is a Common custome that when there is a scarcetie of any Commoditie the price keepes high, but when there comes any quantitie, it presently [immediately] falls. As for example in Agra, when spices were scarce, Cloves were worth 650 and 700 rupees per Maund ; but presently att [immediately on] the arrivall of those sent by the Dutch they fell one halfe in the price. Alsoe Quicksilver, before this arrived, was worth rupees 41/4 and 41/2 per sere, and now they doe not offer but rupees 23/4 ; the same decorum [condition] is expected to bee in other parts. So much for answere of the first. [Page 141] 1. By enquirie made, it was found that in Puttana there is noe other sort of Cloth fittinge their demaunds but one named Ambartrees. [Page 142] ....one sort of Cloth to be found there (and that scarce), Alsoe that it would require 5 monethes tyine att least, with extraordinarie Costs and daunger, And that the said Cloth might be found in Agra (I am perswaded) much cheaper then it will issue unto us, I say if they had knowne all this (as Mr Fremlen did very well), they would never haven 1 enordered nor mentioned the said Imployment.

[Page 143]

36. RELATION X. THE PROCEEDINGE AND ISSUE OF THE IMPLOYMENT FOR PUTTANA, AS FOLLOWETH :

6th August 1632. I departed from Agra and came to Nooremoholl cacotora\ where were 8 Carts Laden with Quicksilver, vermillion, etts., delivered to my Charge. 8th Angust1632. Wee went from thence, and in 19 dayes [i.e. on the 27th August], wee came to Ellahabaz [Allahabad], nothinge happeninge extraordinarie, faire weather and faire waye. There [Allahabad] with some trouble wee crost the River Ganges, till wee came among the Rebells, where with much adoe wee were cleired, as in the Journall The 29th and last of August Many tymes with great Labour, scarce able to goe forward above 3 or 4 Course in a day, by Reason of mire and Dirt, it being tyme of Raines, although it had held upp drie weather long [Page 144] tyme, which had they fallen as accustomed, wee had not passed untill they had bene over and the ways drie. Haveinge Crossed sundrie Rivers in the way, unladinge and reladeinge our goods, sometimes in feare of Theeves, however (God bee praised), with a great deale of difficultie, danger and cost, with 44 dayes travell, wee arrived att Puttana (20th September [1632]), not meeting all the way one Laden Carte either goeing or comeing from thence, it being not then the tyme of Travell for Laden Carts (But why then did our Carts undertake it ?), because they come to Puttana to gett a fraught [freight], where they are sure to finde it after the raines, It not importinge them any- thinge att all the stayinge of 20 or 30 dayes extraordinarie. [Page 145] 29th September [1632]. Wee sawe noe more Brokers nor Cloth, soe sent 2 Messengers to Lachore2 (a place 12 course off, where is much cloth made and brought hither) to enquire what quantitie might bee procured thereabouts, whome wee expected in 4 dayes. [Page 146] 5th October [1632]. One of our Messengers returned, bringing with him Gongarum [Ganga Ram], the Cheifest Broker in theis parts for Corse linnen, whoe told us for our encouragement that after wee had sett the businesse on foote, the Countrie knoweinge our intent, there might bee invested 2 or 3000 rupees a Moneth ; but before that would bee effected, it would require 40 or 50 dayes, I meane before wee should receive the Cloth ready Merchantable [for sale]. It requireinge above a moneth for the whiten- inge ; soe that heere is an Impossibilitie to performe any- thing this way (by reason I am enordered to make an end and repaire to Agra to bee there by the middle of January next to accompanie the latter Caphila, which would then bee ready to depart), only [except] to carry some Musters [samples] with mee to shewe what sorts of Cloth this Countrie affoards. Some few dayes passed in howseinge and accomodatinge ourselves ; then followed Diwallee feast of the Hindooes, which lasted 7 or 8 dayes, in which tyme they doe seldome doe anythinge in Merchandizeinge2 [Page 147] like to finde heere, I on the way sent a man of purpose the 7th of the last moneth, whoe promised to be with mee in Puttana in 25 dayes, desireing his advise how it was worth in Agra, and the lowest price I might heere sell. For the aforesaid reasons, as also to trye the markett, I kept it upp a few daies, but seeing the price to fall in the Bazare dayly, rumour of more comeing on the way hither, noe advice from Mr Fremlen as yett, I resolved to put it offe as soone as possible I could to the Companies most advantage. For the effectinge of which wee made choyce of one Chowdree Foqueera [Chaudharl Fakira]2, whoe after Diwally came to us, sayeing hee had provided for us merchants [merchants for us]. Wee desired him to bringe them, but they came not neere us in many dayes, and noebody els soe able to performe that businesse as hee. In fine, hee brought with him some fewe Pasaares [pasdri] or shoppkeepers, whoe amongst them all would not take above 4 or 5 Maunds, and that but att rupees 33/4 per sere of the Quicksilver, and 41/2 for Vermillion, unto which price wee had bin longe beateinge them. But seeinge they would take but a small parcell, I refused there motion, for by venting this small pertido [parcel], I might therewith have soe filled the markett That I might have kept the rest long enough. A Marchant for the whole cannot be found for such a quantitie, there seldome comeinge above 5 or 6 Maunds, in a yeare to this place. [Page 148] 1. I have expresse order to sell att what rate soever I can gett (which came some dayes since by one I sent of purpose), which [orders] were enough, although att losse. 2. There wilbe so much money advanced towards the Indico Investment, of which there is enordered this yeare an extraordinary quantitie to be provided 3. My repaire to Agra is requisite suddainely [imme- diately], as well to goe downe with the latter Caphila as to give an Accompte for what I have done in this businesse, Tyme draweinge on apace. 4. Lastly, the price falleth dayly in the Bazare, which att my first cominge was att rupees 43/8 per Sere [for] Quick- silver, and rupees 45/8 [for] vermillion, and dayly newes of more come and Comeinge on the way, all daunted with [discouraged by] the quantitie, Noe freind nor acquaintance, [Page 149] but all against mee, And liveing in Continuall feare of some bad dealinge from this Governour. The 21[st October 1632]. I concluded for the whole, selling the Quicksilver att Rupees 31/2 per Sere and the virmillion att Rupees 4 per sere (of 37 pice [c. 11/4lbs.] to the Sere) unto 40 severall Shopkeep[er]s att one moneths tyme, and to allow 1 per Centum for new Puttana Shaw Jehannees and 1 per Centum for the monethes tyme to receave ready monye. 14th November [1632]. Haveinge ended accompts with all men, as alsoe recovered in some monies due for broad Cloth (which is heere but in mearie request [little demand]) out of Ghairatt Ckhauns Dharbore [Ghairat Khan's darbar] (this Governours Sonne in Lawe)3, and fitted myselfe with sondrey sorts of Musters, haveing provided us a Cart whereon was layd the said Musters etts. Lumberment of accomodation [and other necessary baggage], even as wee were goeing forth of Towne, many of our servants were layed hold of, alleadginge I had deceaved them in the [Page 150] Stammell, selling it for Rupees 12 per coad- when it was not worth 7, soe sent their money back againe demaundinge our Cloth ; but they kept the most part and returned the rest, allowing but rupees 12 per Coad as aforesaid. This I must take, or leave Cloth and money and all, come by it afterwards as well as I can, makeinge the price of it them- selves ; and soe wee were att last Cleired, The President etts. write that in the tyme of my stay there I should doe thus and thus, referringe dicto tyme as enordered mee from Agra, unto which factory I am to bee accomptable. Mr Fremlen enorders mee to make a sud- daine [immediate, quick] dispatch att my hand [in any case], and to repaire with all speede to Agra to accompanie downe the Caphila, which accordingly I doe endeavour, carryeing with mee musters of what sorts of Cloth etts. this place affoards, and some relation of the state of the Countrie prices of sundrie Commodities, as well to be brought in as Carried hence. First, Ambartrees, or white Cloth, which is that wee [Page 151] most require from this placed is now dearer then ac- customed, by reason this Governour is makeinge provision for the kings Moholl, soe that most of the weavers are imployed in makeinge fine lynnen. Moreover, litle or nothinge can bee done under 8 or 10 Months, which will come too late to be sent home per this yeres shipps, And a doubt whether the Cloth of this Countrey will equallize [rival, be equal to] that of Guzaratt [Gujarat], which is now (praised be God) returninge to its former estate3better knowne and allowed of both for goodnes and Cheapnes then this is, of which I have not heard any great demaund. And for any other of this Countries Commodities, as Raw Silk, Indico, Gum lack [lakh, lac], Saltpeter, wee can have it much better, and better cheape elswhere. Next, the transporte of goods from hence is extra- ordinary farr, deere and daungerous ; but upon my Advice [in my opinion] there may come shippinge from Mesula- patam [Masulipatam] to any Porte hereabout ; And soe the goods might bee sent downe the river Ganges to the Sea, or els by Land, there beinge also daunger both wayes. For this Countrie (as all the rest of India) Swarmes with Rebells and theeves.

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The Perticular prises of Certen Commodities as they were worth att my being there. Quicksilver att rupees 31/2 per Seere Vermillion rupees 4 per Sere Nuttmeggs rupees 4 per Sere Mace rupees 16 per Sere [Page 154] Pepper rupees 24 per Maund Cloves rupees 51/2 per Sere Cardamum or Ellachee [ilachi] rupees i3/4 per Sere Dry Ginger rupees 10 per Maund Allum rupees 8 per Maund Saffron Kestwally [kishtwari] rupees 16 per Sere Ditto Cazmeeree [kashmiri] rupees 10 per Sere Nausador [Pers, nausddar, sal- rupees 8 per Maund ammoniac, solder] Butche [Hindi, bach, orris-root] rupees 9 per Maund Tynne rupees 1 per Sere

[Page 157]

38. RELATION Xl OF PUTTANA [PATNA] AND OF ABDULLA CKAUN ['abdu'llah khan] governour thereof

The Cittie lyes alongst on the river Ganges, which, with the suburbs, may conteyne in length about 3 miles ; a very longe Bazare with trees on each side (which is much used in theis parts). It hath above 200 of Grocers or Druggists, and of severall druggs a world. It is the greatest Mart of all this Countrie, from whence they repaire from Bengala that way to the Sea side, and from Indostan and other Inland Countries round about, plentifull in provisions, abounding with sundrie Commodities as before mentioned. Great Mens Pleasure Boates. Heere are certaine pleasure boats used by Great Men, which (because of their strange Shape) I will describe in [Page 158] few words, as also by figured Theis boats I cannot re- semble to any thinge better then a Gaefish [garfish], extraordinarie lowe, longe and slender-, with 20, 25 or 30 oares of a side, all severally painted, some greene, some redd and blew, etts. The place where the great man Sitts is either fore or in the midle, in a Curious Chowtree made of purpose. From our hired howse, which lay on the bancks of the river, wee might oftentimes see, hard by the shoare, many great fishes, as bigg as Boneitoes or Albacores, which did leape in the same manner as they doe att Sea. They are here called Soa, their perticuler forme I knowe not The Hindowes of this place ferrie all their dead over the river and there burne them, being as I heere not per- mitted to doe it on this side. [Page 159] Zeffe Ckauns Sarae. Heere is also the fairest Sarae {sardi) that I have yett seene, or I thinck is in India, not yett finished. It hath two faire Courts, each haveinge warehowses round about beneath, and roomes with galleries to lodge in alofte, a very Stately entrance, lyeing by the river. This place is cheifely for Merchants of straunge Countries, as Mogolls, Persians, Armenians, where they may lodge and keepe their goods the tyme of their stay heere, payeinge so much by the moneth. Theis are usuallie in great Citties, but the other sort of Saraes are in all places, servinge for all sorts of Travellers that come att night and away in the morninge. [Page 162] Chua is a rich perfume, made liquid, of Colour black1 which comonly they put under their Armepitts and there- abouts, and many tymes over bosome and backe.

[Page 163]

39. RELATION XII. THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA.

The i6th November Anno 1632. Wee forsooke our howse in Puttana as willinglie as men forsake an infectious place (by reason of the Tiranny of the Governour, Abdulla Ckaun ['Abdu'llah Khan]), and that eveninge wee came to Ackhteare ca Sarae in the Suburbs of the Cittie, 3/4 of a mile without the gates, where wee stayed that night, and were there put in feare as in Relation [x.] fo: [58]. There came then out with us Coja Anoore [Khwaja Anwar] whoe went to assist Bababeage [Baba Beg] att Callanpore [Kalyanpur]. The Raja whereof comeinge to visitt Abdulla Ckaun presented him with an Eliphant, Antelopps, Hawkes, etts., and was for that tyme freindlye received with a Serepaw [saropa] but afterwards betrayed [Page 165] The 17th November 1632. Att this place (Muttra ca Sarae) wee found the daughter of Danshawe [Sultan Danyal], the third Sonne to Kinge Ecbar [Akbar], travel- linge Towards Agra, sent for by the Kinge. Her brother Balsunder [Bayasanghar], beinge in feare of his life (att Shaw Jehans [Shah Jahan's] entrance to the Crowne), fledd to Tartaria [Turkistan], whose daughter that Kinge is sayd to have married, and a rumour that hee will assiste him to enter uppon Shaw Jehans dominions Tartaria adjoyninge to the Mogolls Territories a litle beyond Caball [Kabul], which is 600 Course beyond Agra Northwarde. [Page 166] Theis 5 dayes nothing happened extraordinarie, only att Macraen [Makrain], on the River Soan towards Agra, wee overtooke the Luggage of Backur Ckaun [Bakir Khan], whoe was gon to Sousorame [Sasaram] and travellinge to the Kinge, beinge sent for, Mirza Muckay [Mirza Makki] being gon to possesse his Government in Oreshaw [Orissa], as afore mentioned. [Page 167] The 23th November 1632. Wee came first to Ecbar- pore ([Akbarpur], 13 course), a poore Towne att the foote of the mountaine [spur of the Kaimur Hills] whereon stands the Castle aforesaid.

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[Page 168]

Ruitas Ghurr, a most famous, large, stronge and strange place. This place (Ruitas Ghurr [Rohtasgarh]) is accompted amongst the strongest and rarest of all India if not Cheife. Thus much wee sawe. It is seated on an exceedinge high rockey mountaine, towards the Topp, resemblinge the Clififes about the Lizard, in a manner perpendicular, with a great wall on that againe. By report it conteynes 13 Course in Compasse, alofte plaine, with 12 Townes. Springes and ponds of Water to be found by digging 2 foote from the superficies of the earth, abound inge with fruite, graine, Cattle, etts., maintenance of all sorts, where they traffique, marrie, punnish, etts., among themselves. None of those that are above or belowe suffered to come to each other without speciall license of the Raja. There is a profunditie on it, with a mouth like a well, whereinto, with a longe bamboo, theie turne condemned persons, whoe are never more heard of, there beinge noe other manner of execution within the said Castle for matters deserving death ; Neither can the bottome of the said Concavitie bee founds All the Countrie East, west, and South verie hillie, whereof manie high and steeple neere the said Castle, [Page 169] with plaines on the Topp alsoe, but farr out of the reach of any shott of what kinde soever. Upon and amonge those hills growe great bambooes and Canes, which are from hence carried to other parts, being of great use for their buildings, etts. in India. By the Towne runns a litle River [the Ausana], and they say a litle farther are springs of water. There is a Tale goes of this Castle, how it was wonne by the Mogoll [Sher Shah], by conveyinge thereinto with leave 5 or 600 doolees [doli] or close chaires, with armed soldiers in leiu of weomen Haveing stayed 2 grees [ghari, the Indian hour] in the Towne, wee returned and stayed all night att this place (Atumba [Tumba], 13 course). [Page 170] The 24th November 1632. From Atumba [Tumba] wee came to Tellotoo [Tilothu] 3 course ; from thence to Sousarame [Sasaram], 6 course. Haveinge lost the true waye, wee happened on another that brought us on the skirts of the Hills. Heere and there were some poore dwellings. By Sousarame wee mett 2 Hernabences [harnabhains] or wilde Buffaloes, now made tame, with a man driveing them, theis being to bee sent from this Governour to the Kinge, whoe useth them to fight, either one with another, or with some other wilde beast. [Page 171] In the aforesaid deserts of Bengala are very many Rinoserosses, heere called Ghendas [genddy, whose skinne is very thick and hard, lyeinge in plates over his bodye, with one home standinge on his nose, as high as a Tall horse, but made in proportion like a hogge. One Nundollol [Nanda Lai], that bought some Gloth of mee at Puttana, proffered mee in a few dayes (if I would stay soe longe) To procure mee a Younge one for a small matter. Hee had 3/4 of a hundred weight of their homes to sell. [Page 172] The 25th November 1632. Wee came altogeather to Sousarame againe (5 course). The 26th November 1632. Betweene Sousarame and this place (Khorumavad [Khurramabad now Jahanabad], 5 course) wee had such another adventure as wee found betwene Jannakeis Sarae, and Shecundra. Another litle girle, whoe (as shee said), because one day her Master tooke hold of her to have forced her, shee cryeinge out, it came to her mistris eares, whoe thereupon groweinge jealouse of her, with a hott spitt burnt her mouth and hands, soe to disfigure her, whereupon her master gave her her libertie, and bidd her shifte for herselfe. The soares of the burninge were yett fresh. This was even served as the other for reasons before mentioned. The 27th and 28th November 1632. Some 2 Course from Ckoia ca Sarae [Khwaja ka Sara at Kathju] (6 course), wee mett greate droves of Kine and Buffaloes, in number about 700, taken from the Gawares [ganwars], villagers] hereabouts by the sonne of Mirza Monchere [Mirza Manuchihr] whoe yesterday being in fight with them, had 7 horsemen slaine and 20 other hurt, meeteing some of them in our waye ([to] Cajoore ke Sara [Khajura], 10 course). [Page 173] The 29th November 1632. On the way hither (Mogoll ca Sara [Mughal Saral], 7 course) wee mett with Naubatt Ckaun whoe was goeinge against the Gawares [gawares] in Derbungee [Darbhanga] about Puttana. Hee had with him his Elephants, wives, and a very great number both of horse and foote. Att a litle Towne in our way wee found Tarree [tari, toddy] of date trees, but not soe good by farr as that about Suratt. [Page 174] The First December 1632. Wee were faine to remaine heere [Benares] two dayes to mend our Cart and to stay for Corhpany. The place where they burne their dead — The manner of it. One morninge I went to the River side to the place where they burne their dead, where were att least 40 fires att once, and in every one a dead body burneing, many consumed to ashes that morning before wee Came, others brought while wee were there standinge, whereof some are yett alive, whoe were put into the River upp to the midle, and soe lett die, holding that those that dye in that manner merritt more then ordinarie, whoe are also burned after- wards. Those poore that have not meanes to buy wood only sindge there faces and throwe them into the River of which sort lay a multitude all alonge the water side, putri- fieinge and stinckeinge, loathsome to behold. There manner heere of burninge is thus. They first make a hansome pile of woode, about a foote highe, and in length proportionable to the body, with bredth, on which it is layed, then covered againe with wood. Then goeinge about it three tymes, they sett fire of it towards the head, and then elswhere. The men are burned with a white Cloth, and the weomen with a Redd wrapped over their bodies. [Page 175] I went into their Dewra [deura] or Church, where within a raile was an Image [of Kali] as black as a Cole, resemblinge a woman apparrelled in Silke, etts. Before it stood a Bramman .[Brahman] burninge incense to it, useinge certaine Gestures. Without stood the musick, vzst., a kettle drum, 5 or 6 beateing on brasse platters, another bloweing in a great sea shell [sankh, conch] like a Triton, altogether makeinge a Tirrible noyse. This they continued whilest hee within made Incense, I say all theis were within the raile. The people without, in the meane tyme, fall groveling on the ground and worship. This lasted about 5 of an howre, when there was a Curtaine drawne before the Image, as [[?and]] soe the Ceremony ended, As by the figure followinge. This place by the Hindooes is called Cassee [Kasi], and is of verie much esteeme and resorte (if not the [Page 176] cheifest in India) by the Hindooes for sanctitye, Pilgrim- ages, etts., Washinges, which must bee performed 40 mornings with a thousand Ceremonies by those that resort thither (which is from all parts of India). Fackeeres — what sorts — how they live and where. Heere are Fackeeres [fakirs] whereof some that have bene of great meanes, whoe for their devotion have re- nownced all, chuseinge voluntarie povertie. Of these Fackeers there bee sondry sorts, as Fackeers whoe are Mussellmen [Mussalmans] or Moores [Muhammadans] and Hindooes, then Jooguees [jogis] Ashemen etts. [and other] Hindooes. They generally have noe trade, but live by what is given them, most of them travellinge from Countrie to Countrie. Others sett by the high wayes att the entrance in or goeing out of Townes or Citties and begg of passengers. Others amonge Tombes, there care beinge to looke to dicto tombes in keepeing them Cleane etts., alwaies amonge greene trees, many tymes a well by them, a litle garden, a Cabban [temporary shelter] and a Chowtree chabutra] of earth, where they sitt. Wee have mett of theis on the way, the principall rideinge on horse- back with a flagg and many Attendants, all Fackeeres, somme of them with long poles and a kinde of an Ensigne on it, as a Cowtaile [chowry], another with a mightie Crooked Copper Instrument in forme of a home, with which they make a strange sound blowing in it. And most comonlie they goe in Companies, without any other weapons but staves (that I could see), and for the most [Page 177] part everyone a bunch of peacocks feathers in their hands, some with a Leopards skinne, which they sitt uppon. Ashmen are soe called by us, because they doe all their bodies over with ashes. Jooguees are another sort, corn- only in Yallowish Clayish Coulored Clothes, Wee have mett others with greate Chaines of iron about their midle, to which is fastned a broad plate of the same, which is made fast over their privities to take from them the use and very thought of weomen. They all weare their haire longe, made upp about their heads, whereof I have seene to contain two yards in length, but it is knotted and growne together. There are not soe many severall sorts as there are Customes. Some of them, when they would have any thinge, will stand right before you without speakeing untill you bidd them begone. Manye of them professe secretts in Medicine, etts, and some reputed holy ; many tymes neere greate men. Abdulla Ckaun ['Abdu'llah Khan] being sundrie tymes put to the worst, disguised himselfe into one of theis Fackeeres, and by that meanes passed unknowne and saved himselfe- Enough of all theis, for there is so much more to be said That I knowe not when [Page 178] I should make an end ; And this that I have said is but superficiallye The 3d December 1632. (Mohun ca Sarae [Mohan Saral], 4 Course). Att our comeinge forth of Bunaroz [Benares], wee sawe a man hanginge by the heeles on a tree. His offence was this. This Kinge [Shah Jahan] had commaunded that all Hindooe Churches made in his tyme should bee demolished, and for that purpose sent his firmaen [farman]to this Governour, whoe sent his Couzin, with other principall men in Comission, to see it executed on one lately built. A Rashpoote [rajput] hearing of it, hid himselfe and with a Comptee [kamtha, kamthi] or longe bowe provided for that purpose, seeinge his tyme, shott amongst them, killed the Gouvernours Couzin, and 3 or 4 more of the Cheifest, which was done on the suddaine. But being quickly found and sett upon, with his Jemdar [jamdhar] or dagger killed one or 2 more, and then was slaine himselfe and his body hanged on the tree as aforesaid. [Page 179] The 5th December 1632. In our way wee passed through Anhoomohol ca Sarae [now Amwakantha] and hard by the place where wee laye at our Cominge (Jegdis ca Sarae [Sara! Jagdis], 8 Course), Zeffe Ckaun [Saif Khan] had made a Htle Fort of earth, wherein were sett certaine Souldiers to secure that passaged Many Townes hereabouts destroyed ; The Inhabitants fledd att his approach. Neere our Monzull [manzil, halting place] was an earthen Wall of 1 1/2 mile in Compasse, where hee laye incamped att his Comeinge this waye, beinge now in Johunpore [Jaunpur], which way Backur Ckaune [Bakir Khan] and Danshawes [Sultan Danyal's] daughter are gone to visitt him. The 6th December 1632. After our Comeing to this place (Handeea [Handiya] 6 Course), there was a Crewe [of] Rusticks, all of them more then halfe drunck, there wives in litle better case, daunceinge, which was the cele- bration of the betrothinge of one of the Bettearees [bhathi- yari] Children, not 40 dayes old, to another litle Childe, and to be married in 2 yeares after ; It being the custome of all Hindooes in this Countrye to contract and marry their Children att 5, 6 and 7 yeres of age, and soe they live and goe together when they please without takeinge any more notice. If the husband die, shee is to burne with him, or to remaine ever a widowe in Contemptible manner, to Cutt their haire, not to weare Jewells, nor scarce accepted into good Companie, whereas otherwise shee shall have a monument built for her memorie. But since the Mogolls [Page 180] comeinge burninge is worne out of date But if shee dye before him, then may hee marry againe, which is most Comonly another litle girle not above l0 or 11 yeres of age att most, although himself a man in full growth and strengths The Ceremonies, which are divers, performed by a Braman [Brahman]. The day of Solempnizeinge, hee rides about the Cittie in the greatest state they can performe upon an Eliphante (if hee can procure it), his head Crowned, and his face in a manner Covered with flowers, holding a Coconutt in his hand, all his freinds and acquaintance, as also their Children, accompanyinge him in their best apparrell on horseback and on foote, with all the musick and shew they can devise, as Trumpetts, drums, pipes, etts. Thus hee rides to the brides howse to fetch her home, and soe returne, shee beinge sent to him in a Dowlee [doli], covered or otherwise. This is also the manner of the Moores [Muhammadans], onlie they are most commonly men growne, the weomen as aforesaid of 9, 10, or 11 yeres of age, which they seldome passe and [remain] a virgin. The 7th December 1632. Neare this place (Jussee [Jhusi], 9 Course), on the Mango trees, Zeffe Ckaune [Saif Khan] had caused 50 or 60 mens heads to be hunge upp [Page 181] by a stringe run through their noses, haveinge Compounded with the Raja of Buddoy [Bhadohl] for 200000 rupees. Other Rajaes there bee that have not submitted as yett, with whome haveing concluded, hee will returne to Ella- habaz [Allahabad]. The 8th December 1632. Wee crost Ganges, which now was not halfe soe broad as when wee left it, and lay in the Sarae (Ellahabaz, i Course). The 9th December 1632. Passinge through Hoordeabad [Khuldabad] ([to] Allumchund ca Sarae [Alam Chand], 9 Course), I went once more to see Cosrooes [Khusru's] tombe. It was now new painted and fitted. Most of our Mussellmen [Musalman] servants offered to him, some flowers, some sweete meats. The former are throwne over his Tombe, but the latter the Preists take to themselves. The nth December 1632. (Apphoy ca Sarae [Rampur Aphol], 6 Course). This morninge wee past by Muzraffe Ckauns Moholl [Muzafifar Khan's mahal, seraglio], goeinge to Peeran Putton [Patan], himselfe beinge gone before for Governour thereof. There were 100 Coaches att least. Hee, beinge but an ordinarie Amraw [amir] is sayd to have 5 or 600 weomen. They had with them 7 or 8 Eliphants with drummes and Trumpetts.

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A Beast called a Rose. One Course farther wee sawe a beast in forme of a deere, called heere Rose [rojh] whoe, while wee looked on him, came towards us, and tooke bread out of our hands, sufferinge himselfe to bee sleeked and stroked by us. Hee was neere 41/2 foote high. His neck was worne bare. It seemes it belonged to the Kinge or some great man, which they use to drawe in Coaches for their pleasure, his homes somewhat straight, and about 5 or 6 inches longe, coullour [iron-grey] white under the belly. Wee were faine to beat him from us before wee could bee ridd of him. A Zunge what it is. Neere to our Monzull [manzil] wee found a Zunge [sang] which is a Company of Hindowes gathered together goeing in Pilgrimage. Theis came from Sorett [Sorath in Kathiawar] a province, in number about 2000, with horses, tents, etts. accomodation, bound for Trepenny and Cassee [Triveni and Kasi], which is Ellahabaz and Bunaroz [Allahabad and Benares]. They shave their heads and beards, and wash themselves cleane of all their sins, as they thinck, which is to be performed 40 mornings att each (as it is said). Gaja where they try their Legitimitation and in what manner. Some of them from thence goe to Gaja [Gaya], a place 25 Course beyond Puttana, but those are only such whose [Page 183] parents are dead. There they try their Legitimacye in this manner. There is a certaine narrowe Cleft in a Rock close to the ground (lyeinge levellwise), about 2 Coveds in length, and 1 Coved from goeing in to comeing out. Now those that passe through cleire are lawfully begotten and their parents accounted for good ; but if otherwise, they say the stone closes in such manner that hee shall not bee able to stirr forward or backward, soe remaines defamed. The reason they goe not in their parents life tyme is because they will not bring their names in question. But whether it bee soe or noe, the Bramanes [Brahmans], for a few pice [small copper coins], will soe direct them that they shall not neede to feare. This by relation. Of theis kinde of people in Zunges I thinck wee have already mett this way above 100,000, the people of every province come- ing in one Zunge [sang] or Companie. In the same manner doe they resort from other parts, lyeinge East, North and South : our Way lyeing Westward. The 13th December 1632. (Vellinda ca Sarae, 6 Course). [Page 184] In the morninge wee had thunder, and rayne all the day after, none theis 3 monethes till now. The 14th December 1632. (Bindukee ca Sarae [Bindkl Khas], 10 Course). To day wee had also much thunder and rayne. The i6th December 1632. ....I went before towards Agra to assist in what elce might concerne the Companies affaires, takeing with mee Sunderdas [Sundar Das] and 2 or 3 servants, with Malla, my horsekeeper, to whome wee com- mitted our beddinge and apparrell, which hee layed on an Oxe of his owne. This Oxe hee bought in Puttana [Patna] to carry a slave wench, which hee brought with him from Agra, for whome they say hee served 7 yeres. By the way shee proved with Child by him. The Oxe beinge unrulie, and hee being to come alonge with mee, and noe body to looke to the Oxe when hee was gone, shee sayd shee would rather come softe and faire [quietly and easily] after the Carte on foote then bee troubled with him, haveinge throwen her downe divers tymes. [Page 185] The 18 December 1632. (Shecundra [Sikandra], 13 Course). This morninge and yesterday it was soe cold, as I have not .felt the like in India, but noe Ice that I could see, only a white hoare frost on grasse and Corne. [Page 186] The 20th December 1632. (Raherbuns [Ahlrbans] ca Sarae). Neere Etaya [Etawa] there was a new Munare a makeinge with a great heape of heads lyeing by them, ready to bee immortered. After I was past through, it was told mee the Kinge had sent thither two great Rynocerosses to bee kept and fedd, which I was then ignorant of, otherwise I had seene them, but now it was too late, it being neere night, and 5 or 6 course back. The 22th December 1632. Wee came to Agra (14 course), where I was loveinglye received by my good freinds Mr Fremlen and Mr Robinson, Mr Yard being gon downe with the Caphila [kafila] to which I was appoynted. And heere is an end of this tedious Journey to Puttana [Patna], haveing gon in our returne from thence 281 3/4 Course, which is 4225/8 miles. Agra lyes from Surat by my Judgment neere N.E. by E, and Puttana lyes from Agra neere about E, betwene all which places noe great difference in the manner of the Soyle, People, Language, Customes, Cattle, beasts, fowle, trees, fruites, Herbs, etts., only about Agra, it lyeing more to the North, I meane in [Page 187] the general!, although Suratt bee very neere 1000 miles distant from Puttana In our Returne from Puttana to Agra wee made it to bee 2813/4 if Course which is Miles, 4225/8

[Page 188]

42. RELATION XIII. DESCRIPTION OF THE GREAT MOGOLLS COMMINGE FROM BRAMPORE [BURPIANPUR] (WHERE HEE LAY WARR- INGE AGAINST DECAN) UNTO HIS GARDEN CALLED DARREECABAAG AND SOE TO AGRA, AS FOLLOWETH.

The first June 1632. Myselfe, with Sunderdas [Sundar Das], went towards Darree ca baag to see the Kinge comeinge thither. By the way, before wee could gett forth of the Cittie, wee were stopped and hindred by a great number of Eliphants, Cammells, Carts and Coaches laden with lumberment [baggage], which came from the laskerre [lashkar] or Campe, also many Coaches, Palan- queenes and doolees [doli] with weomen. [Page 189] The Coaches in this Countrie are generally drawne with Oxen, never above 2 to a Coach, which hath but 2 wheeles, in all things resembling a Htle Carte, the Cover excepted, which is like to that of a Coach in England A Palanqueene is a thing to bee carried on mens sholders, 6 or 8 att a tyme, haveing a long and grosse bamboo, used by great men and weomen, spacious enough to lye alongst. Dowlees [doli] are of the same manner but not one third soe big, carried only by 2 men, wherein only one person may conveniently sitt crosse legg'd, comonly imployed for weomen closely covered. Wee came to the Nacassee, where they sell horses, camells, oxen, etts. There wee overtooke Zefdar [Safdar Khan] Ckhaun, Governour of Agra, whoe went out to meete and doe his reverence to the Kinge ; hee is an Amraw [amir] of 4000 horse. To bee of 3 or 4000 horse is thus. Hee whom the Kinge appoynts of that number is to take the pay of soe many out of the revenewes (due to the Kinge of that Countrie whereof hee is made Governour), for his maintenance as alsoe to bee ready with the said number of horse where and whensoever the King shall have occasion to use them. The pay of each horse is [25] rupees per [month]. [Page 190] Thus hee past on untill hee came neere to Darree ca baag [Dehra Bagh], and there hee stayed, but wee went forward, meeteing first by the way about 150 Cammells with Cojavas [kajawa, camel-pannier], covered with redd, in one Companie, one followeing Close to the other. Theis Carried slave weomen and servants, attendants on other weomen. A paire of Cojavas resemble a greate paire of Panniars, in which may sitt two on each side. After theis followed a multitude of Eliphants and Cammells laden with Luggage, as Tents, Chests, beddinge, etts. Then about 160 or 170 Eliphants carrieing on their backs Ambarees [amari,ambari, a howdah with a canopy], close covered, some with redd, others with greene, blewe, etts. [and other] Coullours. Theis belonged to the kinge and certaine Am- rawes [umara] there being in each of theis att least 4 weomen. An Ambarree is just like a litle Coach made fast with strong ghirsees and ropes on the Eliphants backe, standing on packsadles or things of purpose, att least a foote above his Chine, which is a great hight from the ground. [Page 192] Wee passed onward where wee might see all the other high wayes leadinge to the Cittie full also of Eliphants, Cammells, Coaches, etts. Att length wee were informed whereabout the king was himselfe ; for all the face of the earth, soe farr as wee could see, was covered with people, troopes of horses, Eliphants, etts., with innumerable flaggs small and greate, which made a most gallant shew ; for it is the Custome of every perticuler great man to goe with a [Page 193] great many of theis flaggs carried before him, there being many of the said great men now joyned together. The first that I remember to have mett was about 20 Coaches for the Kinges owne use, whereof 2 only were drawne by 2 horses. Each of theis they call Kechees [kacchi], very swifte, the rest by Oxen some of Extra- ordinarie greatnes, and some againe as little, chosen of purpose. Then thousands of horsemen goeing breadthwise ; then came about 19 or 20 great Eliphants of state- with coverings and furniture ; most of them of Cloth of gold, the rest of rich stuffe, velvetts, "c. ; some of them carryeinge a flagg with the kings Armes, which is a Tygar couching [lion couchant] with the Sunne riseinge over his backe One of theis was richer adorned than the rest, his fore orna- ments of gold and the hinder of silver, beinge great plates, bosses, chaines, bells, etts. On this was an Ambaree where the Kinge might sitt when hee pleased, over which was a Cannopie of most rich Cloth of gold supported with pillars. There were divers others also fitted [arrayed] for his owne rideinge. Theis Eliphants went about 2 [arrows] flight shott before him. Then came Etimans or officers [Page 194] with silver staves, on horseback and on foote, to make roome. Then came the kinge himselfe mounted on a darke gray horse, and with him Mohabutt Ckaun [Mahabat Khan] on horsebacke also, rideing side by side. A litle distance behinde rode his eldest sonne Daroo Shuckur [Dara Shikoh] all alone. All the rest of the Amrawes or Lords on foote, before and behinde, and on each side of him. A good Space off, halfe a flight shott behinde the Kinge, came the Cohouree [kur, kuri, armed retinue] or, as I may call it, the maine battaile (all the rest beinge but as squadrons to this), heere beinge a mightie multitude of horsemen, the head of whose lawnces (being verie longe, broad and cleane) glittered most brightly against the Sunne, Then the greate number of Eliphants belonging to the Amrawes, haveinge each of them five or six flaggs fastned alofte, made as gallant a shewe with their number and diversitie of Coulours. All theis moveinge in one, on soe many huge Eliphants seemed like a fleete of shipps with flagg and streamers. Close to theis came as great number of other Eliphants, each of them carrieinge two small feild peeces ready mounted, Soe that all theis to- gether made a most majesticall, warlike and delightsome sight, besides the continuall carreeringe of horsemen (some- tymes troopes together over the plaines) ; the Comon people in a manner without number, as aforesaid. And in this manner hee came to his garden of Darree ca baag, where hee entred and remained there till the Tenth currant [June 1632], when about Midnight, close shutt up in a Palanqueene, hee was brought to his Castle of Agra- about 2 miles from the Garden.

[Page 197]

43. RELATION XIV THE CREATE MOGOLL SHAWE JEHAN HIS RIDEINGE TO BUCKREE EEDE, HIS COURT, MARRIAGE OF HIS TWO SONNS, FAVOURITS, ETTS.

19th June 1632. The kinge went to cellebrate Buckree Eede [Bakar'ld] as much to say as the feast of Goates, which the Moores observe in memory of Abraham, when hee sacrifised, I say when hee went to sacrifize, his Sonne (but whether Isaack or IshmaeU I enquired not, it being a question) and in his leiw offered upp a Goate (as they say). Hee came rideinge on a Royall Ehphant in a rich Ambaree [ambari] ; over his head a Cannopie of Cloth of [Page 198] gold supported with pillars, as formerly mentioned With himselfe satt 3 of his sonns. As hee passed, hee flunge gold amonge the people. First passe the Eliphants royall, adorned as aforesaid more especially one whome hee doth greatly affect (apper- teyninge to his father Jehangueere [Jahangir]), which had on it great quantitie of gold, vizt, on his head a frontlett [pakhar, elephant armour] of gold with Jewells, and att his eares were also hung two tailes [kutas] of certaine kine [Tibetan yak] in India, much estimated, alsoe about his feete shackles and Cocker [cockle shell] bells of Gold [pai ranjan]. His teeth were alsoe adorned with rings [bangri] and Tassells of Silke and gold, which were never Cutt, being of a great length, besides which, of all those I have scene, Avhich were verie many, there was not one, whose teeth were of length, uncutt. I have heretofore shewed the reason of it, this being alwaies excused from fightinge. Next came many horses whoe were ledd, with rich [Page 199] furniture, with bowes and quivers of arrowes fast to the Sadle. Then nine or ten Pallanqueenes, some of whose Bumbooes with which they are carried were plated with gold, the rest of the work suitable. After theis came 12 paire of Copper Drummes [damama] on 12 Eliphants, the heads of some of them are 4 foote dyameter, covered with redd Cloth, which they [the drummers] went beatinge a leasurely stroake, jumpeing altogether [striking exactly together]. With theis went the Trumpetts [karajia] of att least 8 foote longe and broad att the [pummell]or end, with which they make a base [bass], hoarse hollow sound, neither riseinge nor fallinge After theis came many Ensignes, In some manner resemblinge those I sawe att Constantinople, beinge sundrie figures of gold and silver upon long staves covered with the same, which were carryed upright, vist., a hand, a great Ball, a Serpents head, a Falcon, etts., and such likel Next to theis came Amrawes [umamara] on horsebacke, then the Kinge on his Eliphant as aforesaid, then Asaph Ckaun [Asaf Khan] on an Eliphant alsoe ; then againe other great Amrawes on horses and Eliphants ; soe that I conceive when the Kinge is on horseback then the Amrawes goe on foote (excepte some one or other through favour permitted to ride neere him), but when that hee is on his Eliphant then they ride on horseback. [Page 200] Soe having passed on and performed his devotion, hee returned in the same manner, haveinge not stayed above 3/4 of an hower. 25 June 1632. I went to the Amcasse [am-khas] in the Castell, a place where every day, about 9 a Clock in the morninge, the kinge sitts in a Jarooca [jharokha] or windowe some two howers, and in the afternoone hee sitts as longe atte his windowe to the river side. The place where hee sitts out in the morninge Jetts [juts] out some 7 or 8 foote from the wall, supported with pillars, encom- passed with a raile, made grateing wise, plated with silver the thicknes of a half Crowne, they say, as high as a man, and in length about 45 or 50 yards, under which and within the said raile stand the Amrawes, for they are not suffered to sitt before the Kinge (noe not an Ambassadour), the windowe some 4 yardes highe. Without the silver raile is an other of wood, some 50 yardes out into the great square Courted In the forenoone the king sitts to heere any Complaintes, to doe Justice, to conferr with his Amrawes [Page 201] And in the afternoon to behold pastime as fighting of EHphants etts. The Mohol [mahal, palace] joynes to one side of the Amcasse, to which hee goes and comes from his said stated It is the place where his weomen are kept, and where noe man enters but himselfe, haveinge Euenuches to looke to them. Heere hee spends most of his tyme eateinge, drincke- ing, sleepinge, etts. Neere to the said Moholl is the Gosull Conna [ghusl khana] where hee calls whome hee pleaseth to conferr in private, as alsoe to recreate, or to be merrie when and with whome hee pleaseth.

44. Marriage of two of the Kings sonnes 1632 [1633].

In February [1633] the eldest and second sonns to the kinge were both married within 8 dayes one of the other, first Daroo Shuckoore [Dara Shikoh], the eldest to the Sultan Parvaez [Parwiz] his daughter, hee about 17 and shee about 14 yeres of age ; And Sultan Sooja [Shuja'J to the daughter of Rustum Candahare [Rustam Kandaharl], both younger then the other Twoe I leave what past within the Castle, as giveinge of rich presents on all sides [Page 202] with other Cerimonies only each Couple had two nights of fireworkes, longe beforehand fittinge and prepareinge, the first night when hee goes to see her, and the next night when shee is brought home to him, being married in the Interim. In breife the manner was thus. On the Strand by the River side, under the Castle wall and the Kinges windowe, there was a place Rayled in, about half a mile in Compasse att least. In it were placed the fireworkes, vizt., first a ranck [row] of great Eliphants, whose bellies were full of squibbs. Crackers, etts. Then a ranck of Gyants with wheeles in their hands, then a ranck of Monsters, then of Turretts, then of Artificiall trees, etts. [and other] Inventions, all full of Rocketts, etts., as was the raile round about. All theis being fired (although not att one tyme) innumerable were the Rocketts, reports, squibbs and Crackers that flewe about and alofte in the Ayre, makeinge the night like day. The noyse was as terrible. Also I think there were noe lesse then a million of lights burninge in the meane tyme, as Characks [chii'dgh, an earthen lamp], Lanthornes, Lampes, etts. fastned and placed in rancks one above another on the Castle wall, with turretts etts. edifices, in a manner cleane Covered with them from the ground to the Topp, vizt. 3 or 4 rancks of small and a ranck of great lights, and then small and then great againe ; alsoe a great part of the plaine covered with Lamps. Mee thought it made a brave and pleasant shew, the Kinge himselfe beinge present with the married Couples in their severall roomes. Heere was Cost and Labour enough, but it wanted it may bee the Arte wee have in Europe of those kinde of workes.

[Page 207]

45. RELATION XV OF AGRA, WHAT NOTABLE THERE AND THEREABOUTS, AS THE CASTLE, GARDENS, TOMBES, FESTIVALLS, CUSTOMES, ETTS.

Agra is scituated on the River Jemina [Jamna] ; The Castle and great mens howses on the one side, as [those of] Asaph Ckaun [Asaf Khan], Mohabutt Ckaun [Mahabat Khan], etts. great Amrawes [umara], and their Gardens (which are many and faire) on th' other side, yeildinge a most delectable prospecte. It is very populous by reason of the great Mogolls keeping of his Court heere;' every day about the dharbare [dardar], such a number of Eliphants, horses, Coaches, Soldiers, peons, etts. people that is incredible; alsoe in the Bazare ordinarilye there is such a throng that men can hardly passe without much trouble. The Cittie hath many outstraglinge places, as Pores [pur, suburb], Bazares, Gunges [ganj, market]-, Soe [Page 208] that I think to encompasse all would take att least 14 or 15 miles. The Inhabitants are Moores [Muhammadans] and Hindooes, Ckhattrees [khatris] etts. Heere is alsoe a Colledge of Jesuits with three or four Padres ordinarie, also three or four Christians that have pay from the Mogolls, vizt., Signior Jeronimo Veroneo (a Venetian and a Goldsmith), Signior Francisco (a Frenchman and an Embroderer), Signior Angelo (a Phesition and servinge Fousdare [Faujdar] Ckaun), and others. Places of noate [in and about it] are the Castle, King [Page 209] Ecbars [Akbar's] Tombe, Tage Moholls [Taj Mahal's] Tombe, Gardens and Bazare. The Castle stands on the river side, built of square hewen redd stone. That [part which] sides towards the water lyes straight upon a lyne about a quarter of a mile, and soe come[s] rounding into the Cittie. Heere is its best prospecte, which is loftie and stately, garnished with handsome Compleat battlements on the wall; about it appearinge divers of the Kings places of residence some of whose upper Coveringe are overlaid with gold. The inside of the Castle lyes levell with the Topp [of the hill on which it is built], but the outside [appears to be] of an exceedinge height [from the river]. In the Corners on the outside, great round Towers with galleries above ; on the Topp sundrey Turretts, Copulaes, etts., which much beautifie it. The gates and Posternes are many, but one above the rest, to which you goe from the Bazare, very stronge, high and well contrived, haveinge att the entrance on each side an Eliphant made of stone, within which gate about a flight shott is another entrance, before which lye many peeces of ordinance, whereof one exceedinge greate, thick and longe, alsoe stone peeces of a huge boare [bore], with others all unmounted Within the second gate lyes the [Page 210] Amcasse [am-khas], his Moholl [tnahal, palace, seraglio], Treasurie, a Garden, many fine roomes of the Kings to the waterside, now repaireinge and buildinge, the floore, roofe and sides of marble, inlayd with lookinge Glasses made into severall workes, Moreover divers other places, as Stables of horses, dwellings of Officers etts. men of service, The Naubutt Conna [nanbat khana, music gallery] or place where his drummes are beateinge in the Amcasse, over against the place where hee sitts, which, att some tymes of the daye are strucken upp 20 or 25 together which makes such a noyse that the place seemes to shake with it, they being of them 4 foote diameter. There also stand his musick, as Trumpetts, pipes or hauboys. Kinge Ecbars [Akbar's] Tombe is at Shecundra [Si- kandra], two miles from Agra, standing in a great Garden with four great gates, whereof one principall excellinge all others that I have scene in India for hight, curious Invention in buildinge, paintinge etts. haveinge two extra- ordinarie high spires like to those att Constantinople from whence in a longe walke you goe to the monument itselfe whose outward frame resembleth the mauseolo pictured amonge the 7 wonders, fower square, lesseninge towards the topp, haveinge severall galleries round about, adorned with Copulaes of which the lower galleries con- teyne the more, the borders on the outside etts. of redd stone through Cutt [perforated] with curious workes, theis [Page 211] galleries ascendinge one from another to the Topp, on which is a square litle Court, the pavements chequered with white and a reddish marble, the midle of which is over the midle of the whole, where stands a Tombestone in forme of a herse of one entire peece of marble, curiously wrought and engraven with letters and flowers etts. This hath 4 turretts with Copulaes, att each Corner one ; from one to another are galleries alofte and under foote marble, the sides alsoe, which are artificially through Cutt as afore mentioned. The said Tombestone lyes just over the place where the said kinge is buried. From hence beinge discended, and desirous to enter in, wee were not permitted, by reason the Kinge keepes the key of the doore which is alsoe sealed with his signett. The garden and the other gates were not yett finished. There is mention made of it in Purchas. The designe thereof I have sett downe on thother side as well as I can remember, but whether it bee 4, 5 or 6 Ascents I know not. Neither certaine of the Number of Copulaes, But sure I am there were but 4 on the Topp and more and more to the Lowermost, and that the whole [Page 212] Fabrick is 4 square such a stately gate and such rancks of small Cipresse Trees. This Kinge is now buildinge a Sepulchre for his late deceased Queene Tage Moholl [Taj Mahal] (as much to say att the brightnes of the Moholl), whome hee dearely affected, haveing had by her 9 or 10 children, and thought in her life tyme to use noe other woman (which is strange if true consideringe their libertie in that kinde). He intends it shall excell all other. The place appoynted [is] by the river side where shee is buried, brought from Brampore [Burhanpur] where shee dyed accompanyinge him in his warrs, as shee did all the tyme of his troubles It is reported that in tyme of his rebellion, being fledd to [Page 213] Decan [Dahkan], where hee had private intelligence from Asaph Ckaun [Asaf Khan] of his fathers death, and not knoweing how to gett out of Decan if they should heere of it, but that hee should bee intercepted and brought to what composition they would, hee fained himselfe dead. Then shee desireinge leave to carry her husbands body to be buried in his owne Countrie, it was graunted her; and by that meanes, in a Coffin Covered with black, hee was conveyed out of their dominion, which was but 3 or 4 dayes Journeies distant from his owne, where beinge come, more people adhered to him, till hee came to Agra, and by strange Courses to the Crowned There is alreadye about her Tombe a raile of gold. The buildinge is begun and goes on with excessive labour and cost, pro- secuted with extraordinary dilligence, Gold and silver esteemed comon Mettall, and Marble but as ordinarie stones Hee intends, as some thinck, to remove all the Cittie hither, cawseinge hills to be made levell because they might not hinder the prospect of it, places appoynted for streets, shopps, etts. dwellings, commaunding Mar- chants, shoppkeepers, Artificers to Inhabit [it] where they [Page 214] begin to repaire and called by her name, Tage Gunge [Taj Ganj] The Gardens about Agra are many, but the cheifest are Darree ca bang [Dehra Bagh] and King Ecbars [Akbar's] on this side the river and Mootee ca baag on the other side, the latter built by Nooremohol. As these are, soe are all the rest in generall, I meane the better sort, although much inferior yett for the manner [of much inferior description], vizt., a great, high, large, faire, fower square brick wall, 4 Towers, att each Corner one, with their Copulaes, pillars and galleries, An arched gate; some have 2 and some 3 or 4. Theis comonly lead towards the midle (by long walks with rancks [rows] of Cypresse trees on each side), where is the cheife howse of pleasure and Tancke, haveing divers other roomes and tancks heere and there in the Garden, but this is the principall, which is curiously contrived, wrought and painted ; and some Tancks of great compasse. This square Garden is againe devided into other lesser squares, and that into other like bedds and plotts; in some, litle groves of trees, as Apple trees (those scarse), Orenge Trees, Mulberrie trees, etts. [Page 215] Mango trees, Caco [cocoanut] trees, Figg trees, Plantan trees, theis latter in rancks, as are the Cipresse trees. In other squares are your flowers, herbes, etts., whereof Roses, Marigolds (theis scarse only in Mootee ca baag) to bee seene; French Mariegolds aboundance; Poppeas redd, carnation and white; and divers other sortes of faire flowers which wee knowe not in our parts, many growe- inge on prettie trees, all watered by hand in tyme of drought, which is 9 monethes in the Yeare. This, I say, is the generall manner, but the former excell both in greatnes and curiositie of buildinge, painteing etts.; the carved worke off through Cutt [perforated] redd stone much used in all their gardens and Tombes etts. In Mootee ca baag were many roomes painted, which wee might perceive to bee drawne from Europe prints (of which they make accompt heere). Alsoe there was the picture of Sir Thomas Roe, late Ambassadour heere, as it was told us The Bazare affoards plentie of all things, as flesh, fish, graine, fruites, etts., as Beefe, Mutton, Partridge, quailes, pigeons, Turtle doves (Sometymes geese and ducks); Mangoes, Plantans [bananas], Ananesses anands pine- apple], etts. [and other] fruites of this countrie (and out of Persia), Raysins, Almonds, Pistaches [pistacia], wal- nutts, apples, orrenges. Prunes [plums], prunellas or dryed [Page 216] Apricocks, Musk millions [sitaphal], although of the latter there bee much in this Countrie, as also of water millions [tarbuza] Fish of divers sorts out of the River, whereof one is ver)' good called Roe, a great scaly Fish. There is also another Bazare or Markett, which, although not soe Commendable, yett much frequented and allowed of, not only heere but all India over, namely the Common Stewes, of which there bee in divers places of Agra. Each of them every eveninge is like a faire, where they resort, make their bargaines, take and choose the whores sittinge and lyeinge on their Cotts att their balcones and doores. Theis are called Manganaes [mangani] There are also dauncinge wenches, of whome there are divers sorts, as Lullenees [....], Harcanees [....] Kenchanees [....] and Doomenees [domni] (all whoores though not in soe publique a manner) beinge of severall Castes and use different manner of musick. Most comonl) they are hired att solemne feasts, where they playe, singe and daunce, whilst they [the guests] eate, drinck and discoursed And there is scarse any meetinge of freinds without them, where, when they are once warme with their meates, drinckes, gullees [ghola], etts. (I meane the Moores [Muhammadans] etts.), they take whome they have a minde to, either for [the] night or otherwise. These [women] buy litle slave Wenches and bringe them upp to their professions, sellinge their Maidenheads att first att deere rates, after prostituted for a small matter. [Page 217]

[A banquet in 1632]

I have here under sett a Mimmannee \jnihmdni\ (or banquett) with daunceinge wenches by figure Vizt., A. A Table Cloth layed on the Ground. B. The guest[s] sittinge on the ground also, with great Cusheons behind them. C. A servant beatinge away the flyes with a Chewra \chaiihri\, which is a horse taile on a handle. D. Another with a puncka [pa7ikha\ (or leather fanne) makes wynd. E. The dauncinge wenches. F. One that playes on a Tabor or litle Drumme. G. An old woman which doth only singe and clapp her hands keeping a kinde of tyme. H. A fellow beating on both sides of a Drumme \tani-tam, tom-tom], in fashion like the Barricas [Port., water-cask] wee have aboard the India shipps. I. A woman Clappinge two things like Sawcers of brasse [small cymbals], keeping tyme also. K. Girles or slave wenches sitting behinde the rest. L. A learge Carpett whereon they all eat, sitt and daunce, It is to bee understood they all singe, aswell those that daunce as those that playe, all of one note, except the man who is the Diapasons Noe thirds nor fifts in Musick as I scould heere*. Goolees is a kinde of Composition made of strong [Page 218] The honourable Company have a howse wherein their servants reside in Phullhuttee [Phal-hatti], a quiet place amonge Hindooe Ckhattrees [khatris] in the hart of the Cittie, where wee live after this Countrie manner in matter of meate, drincke and apparrell ; Our meat for the most part after the Custome of this place, sitting on the ground att our meate or discourse. The roomes in generall Covered with Carpetts with great round, high Cushions to leane on (this aswell in publique as in private). Our Habitt when wee goe abroad is a Shash [turban] on our heads, a Doo- pata [dopatta] or white lynnen scarfe over our shoulders (this in Summer and Pummering in Winter); then a fine white lynnen Coate, a girdle to binde about us, breeches and shooes, our swords and daggers by our sides. Thus in the Cittie. But when wee goe out of Towne, wee have our bowes and arrowes att our sadle, and a buckler hanging on our shoulders. However, wee never stirr a foote out of doores but on horseback, it being the Custome of the Cittie. There are certaine Customes or Ceremonies used heere, as also in other parts of India, vizt., Shawsen, Hooly [Roll], Dewally [Dlwall]. [Page 219] Then there is Hoolee [Holi] of the Hindooes used in the same manner as Shrovetide is in Fraunce, by eating, drinckeing, feasteinge, playinge, throweinge sweete oyles and water with redd powder on that againe, soe all be- daubeing themselves, the Courser sort towards the end of it flinging about old shooes, raggs, dust, dirt, etts , with affrontive Gambolls to those that passe by, being also of the inferiour sort. This lasteth some few dayes and then hee is also carried to burninge with great Companie, musick, etts. This they doe in remembrance of a certaine de- liverye of their Countrie from a Tirant. [Page 220] Then Deewaly [Dlwall], a holly tyme among the Hindooes, when they sett Lamps and lights in their windowes and tarrasses, etts.

46. The manner of carrieinge auntient men to burninge.

I also saw in Agra divers tymes that if they carried a verie auntient man [devotee] to burninge, they would goe with the greatest musick, daunceing and content that they could devise, throweinge flowers, redd powders, etts., one upon another, as also on the Corpes, rejoy[c]einge that hee hath soe well performed his tyme, and arrived to such a good age. Otherwise they make great lamentation, the weomen comeinge after the Corps, a great distance of, when they are carried to be burned, Crieing and Lament- inge to the uttermost, performeinge certaine Cerimonies att the River and keepeinge some dayes of mourninge in the same manner as the Jewish weomen att Constantinople, sometymes singinge, then Cryeinge, scratchinge and pul- linge their haire, then singinge againe, etts. This they doe alternatively for some (ew howres in a day and then [Page 221] referr it to the next. This is att the meeteinge of neigh- bours and friends. Those that intend to burne with their Husbands and doe it not when hee is burned, they reserve his Shash [turban] by them. The tyme appoynted being come, and they come to the place appo3aited, they sitt downe, and takeing their husbands shash in their lapp, instead of the whole bodye, they are burned with it. A Straunge Custome. The Hindooes wives or Ckhattarannes att the mar- riage of their Children, besides the Ceremonies heretofore mentioned, doe Cellebrate their Nuptialls with Drummes, beateing with their hands and singing to it for many dayes and nights together, both att home in the Topps of their howses and in the streets, haveinge libertie by Custome in this tyme to say what they list, which is in revileinge, scoffeinge, filthy, bawdy and beastly speeches in singinge, which is very strange, consideringe that att other tymes they are scarce to bee scene or heard, and that if they should utter the least of those things they would bee esteemed vile. The makeing of Indico. Now a word or two of the makeinge of Indico, the best and richer sort being comonly called by the name of Agra Indico. [Page 222] There are divers Townes about Agra, some 40, some 30, some 20 and some 15 course distant, as Hindowne [Hindaun], Byana [Bayana], Panchoona, Bashavor [Bi- saur], Connoway [Khanwa] etts., where it growes and is made, vizt.About the begining of the raynes they labour the grounds and soe the seeds which by the end of it, is growne a good hight, being a Htle sprigge bearinge a Htle small leafe consistinge of many parts, as but much. There is also Tancks called Chaboochaes, places made of purpose, well plaistered to keepe in liquor, and may conteyne five or six Tonn each. In the bottome is a round receptacle. This place is filled with water (their beinge many of them together). Then Cutt they the said plant somewhat above the ground and throwe it into the said water (the plant next yere springeth upp againe), and there they lett the said Stalkes and leaves remaine some 48 howres, keepeing it downe with waight, and nowe and then stirringe of it, from which the water receaves a Coulour. After this they lett it settle, leaveinge the water to runne out att a passage of purpose ; and in the bottome they finde a substance which they gentlye take out, and put to drie untill it become as hard as paist and then the[y] forme it into Lumps, crushing it together in their hands, which being againe put to drie, is put up readie to be sold or used. [Page 223] That which is made the first yere is called Nautee [naudha, noti], the second yere Jeree [jari] and the third yere Coteale [khutiyal] Jeree is the best, then Nautee, and lastly, Coteale, the worsts After three yeres they doe noe more good of that plant, soe worke upon others that they have planted in the meane tyme. It is ordi- nariely noe higher then a yard, and there is but litle made of a great deale of ground, for were it easie to come by, it would prove much Cheaper. This as neere as I can remember as it was told mee by our Indico Mer- chants and Brokers, and is only a litle lighte to those that are desirous to knowe of its makeinge, this discription beinge not soe punctuall as it might have bene. The manner of the Kings boates at Agra. The kings and great mens boates heere are sucli as are at Puttana although not soe longe, this litle River Jemina [Page 224] not soe Capeable [suitable for navigation] as the river Ganges. They are rowed with Padles and observe neere the same Custome as they doe in the other [boats at Patna]. Heere are also verie great lighters or Gabares, of 3, 4, or 500 Tonns each, serving for transportinge great men with their howshold and howshold stuffe downe the river to Etaya [Etawa], Ellahabaz [Allahabad], Puttana [Patna], Dhacca [Dhaka, Dacca] etts. places on the river Ganges, haveing howses in the midle for the weomen, and many of them on their stemms the figures of the head of an Eliphant, Dragon, Tiger, etts., with double sternes. Others there are plaine, both ends alike, for Courser offices, as carryeinge of Timber, stones, etts. such as are att Etaya

[Page 225]

47. RELATION XVI A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT WITH A CAPHILA CON- SISTINGE OF 268 CAMMELLS AND IO9 CARTS, WHEREON WAS LADEN I493- FARDLES INDICO AND 12 FARDLES OF SALTPETER ETTS. GOODES, DESPEEDED BY MR WILLIAM FREMLEN UNDER THE CONDUCT OF PETER MUNDY WITH A CONVOY OF 170 PEONES OR SOULDIERS, vizt

The 25 of February 1632 [1633]. Wee Sett out from Agra in the morninge, accompanied with Mr John Robin- son, Signior Jeronimo [Veroneo], an Itah'an, Signior Tristen and Signior Martin, Dutchmen, and haveing satt a while by a Tanck a mile without the Cittie, the accus- tomed place of partinge, wee tooke our leaves each of other,, they returninge to Agra, I on my Journey. That evening wee came to Futtapore [Fatehpur Sikrl], (12 Course). [Page 226] King Ecbars Pilgrimage to Adgeemeere. In our way were certaine Munaries [minar] or small Towers made Taperwise, built by king Ecbar [Akbar] on this occasion. Hee haveinge never a Childe and being desirous of a Sonne to succeede him, hee was perswaded by a Fackeere [fakir] that if hee went barefoote to Adge- meere [Ajmer] to visitt and to offer to the Tombe of Qfuaz Mondeene [Khwaja Mu'Inu'd-dln Chishtl] a reputed Saint among the Moores [Muhammadans], hee should obteyne his said desire, which hee accordinglye performed (by way of Sanganeare [Sanganer], there being 150 Course from Agra to Adgeemeere); and att every Course end hee cawsed these Munaries to bee builtl Hee had after this three Sonnes. It is said hee went on Carpetts all the way, but on this manner: There beinge a good space first spread, as fast as hee went on, the hindermost Carpetts were taken away, and readye spread in his way before hee came to them [Page 227] Halfe a mile out of Agra was a little Tanck lay by the way side, of one entire massie peece of white Marble, fowre square, each squaire conteyninge at least 2 yardes, brought for the kinge, yet unpollished, of about a foote thick. Gonga Mohol : wherefore built. Within 3 Course of Futtapore, there is a ruinated build- inge, named Gonga [gunga, dumb] Mohol, that is, the howse of the dumbe, built by Kinge Ecbar of purpose, where hee cawsed litle Children to be brought upp by dumb Nurses to knowe what language they would naturally speake; but it is said that in a long time they spake nothing att all The Cittie of Futtapore [Fatehpur Sikri] was also built by Kinge Ecbar aforesaid att his returne from the Conquest of Guzaratt, nameinge it the Towne of Victories It is encompassed with a faire high wall of bigg square redd stone. In my opinion it was the only place that might [Page 228] any way resemble our European Citties, for conformitie of stately buildinges. Now it lyes in a manner of a heape (the ruynes to bee seene of broken Arches, galleries etts.), exceptinge the Kinges howse, the great Messitt [masjid] and one Bazare. The kings howse or Moholl stands on the highest hill, within which are aboundance of Courts, Conveyances, galleries, Chowtrees [chabitra] Arches, pillars, Tancks, Chaboochaees [chahbacha], private roomes, all verie rich, curious, and full of invention of painteinge, carvinge, etts.; Also a little garden. The water to water it is also to fill the Tancks alofte, and for their use is drawne from the valley, first into one Tanck and then from that into another higher, and soe into 4 or 5 untill it come alofte, by that which wee in Spaine call Noraies

48.

The Great Messitt. The Messitt [masjid] is the fairest I have yett seene in India, standing verie high, built by [Sahm Chishtl], [Page 229] a Fackere much reputed of Soe that a certaine Amrawe [amir] being bound for the warrs, and haveinge noe sonne, left his meanes with [t]his Fackeere, with Condition that if hee returned not it should bee all his. The Amrawe was slaine and hee [the fakir] remained with all his riches, wherewith hee built this Messitt, as also his owne Tombe. It is a very Curious [elaborately constructed] buildinge; a faire arched entrance full of Copulaes round about on the walls, very large, paved with Marble. It hath many Fackeers etts. to attend it, whoe att certaine tymes in the day and night beat on great drumms and sound with Trumpetts, which is usually done att all great mens Tombes according as they are of abillitie. The Moores tombes. As the Turks att Constantinople, soe doe the Moores in this Countrie make their Sepulchers without the Citties for the most part, Great men in Gardens of their owne or eminent places (as on the Topps of some hills, by great Tancks etts.). The Comon sort have a Common place, and over every one they build a forme of a herse or Coffin, with some Invention, accordinge as their meanes will stretch. [Page 230] Under the Cittie is a Lake of lo or 12 mile long, haveing store of Fish By it is a curious Munare [minar] or Tower of a greate highte, to bee ascended within side, haveinge on the outside peeces of white Marble made in forme of Eliphants Teeth built into it and sticking out about three quarters of a yard, and soe much distance betwene on[e] another, haveinge on the Topp a fine Chowtree [chabutra] and a Copulae, supported with pillars, to bee ascended within side with stepps. It is Comonly called the Towre of Eliphants teeth, many thinckinge them to bee reall as by the figure heere sett downe. There is also a conceited [ingeniously devised] Stable standinge on the side of the hill Towards the lake, which is made into severall flatts [floors] or degrees, like stepps one above another with pillars and arches to support a Coveringe to it. On each of those degrees stood a Ranck of horses; the entrance att one end Likewise a Parke or meadowe walled in, wherein were severall beasts. Amonge the rest Nilgaves, a kind of deere as high as a good Colte or Mule with short homes I Within the kings howse was a great Jarre made of plaister and lyme like a Tynaja in Spaine. It might [Page 231] conteyne three or fower butts, wherein was put water of Ganges for the kings own drinckinge. For it is a Custome that the kinges of India drincke noe other water but of that river, bee they never soe farr off, which is brought on Cammells backs in brasse or Copper vessells About 3 Course off Hes Rupbaz [Rupbas] where are the quarries of those redd stones, which supplye all their parts for the principall buildings, as the Castle of Agra, this place, Great mens howses, Tombes, etts. The 26th February 1632/3....About Noone wee had much thunder and windes with such a deale of dust (which is usuall about Agra some monethes before the raynes), that wee could scarce see on[e] another. After followed aboundance of raine which accompanied us to Neembra, where wee pitched our Tent for that night. [Page 232] The 27th February 1632/3. By reason of wett weather (it haveinge rayned all night) Backur Ckaun made a moc- 'came [makam, halt] or dayes rest. About noone there was such a Tempestious shower of raine mingled with haile, that the like hath seldome bene scene, especially att this tyme of the yeare. It lasted neere halfe an hower, [Page 233] A Corula what it is. The Corula is a whipp of Twisted Cord about a fathome longe, with a handle about a Cubit, from which it goes smaller and smaller to the end. Of this they receive 50, 60 or 100 stripes, accordinge to their offence. There are of theis Corulaes which I have scene that have a kinde of a brasse rowell woven into it, haveing 4 ends or poynts each, and stand about 5 or 6 inches one from the other, I meane each rowell. With theis they will cruelly torture a man (many tymes to death), fetching off Skin and flesh and all The Comon Justice is called a Cuttwall [kotwal], police officer, magistrate], which are in every Cittie and Towne. Of the Eliphant. Although Eliphants are els where largely discribed, yett I will add heere two or three words. They are gene- rally swart, neere to black, their Teeth in their upper jawe, Joynts in their feete, for I have scene some (on which great men used to ride) that have satt or layen downe on their bellies and upp again as suddainely as any horse or bul- lock Could doe possiblye, which is by reason of their short leggs, wherein they differ much from all other Creatures from the knee downewards, seemeing like a Stumpe or halfe Cutt off, also in their Trunck, and the [Page 234] females in their place of generation which lyes right under their bellies where the Cowes udders are placed, and the duggs of these are close to the fore legs. The 28th February 1632/3. Wee came to this Towne (Biana [Bayana], 6 course), betwene which and Futtapore [Fatehpur Sikrl] were about 250 or 300 men sett on Stakes by Mirza Laskarr [Mirza Lashkar], Governour heere being of Rebells and theeves by him taken, this way heretofore being much pestered with them and very daungerous for passengers. Heere is made the best Indico in all India and hereabouts nothing inferiour. By this stands the fairest Beawle [baoli] in India, as I have formerly discribed The 29th February 1632/3. Wee made another moc- came[makam] by reason Mirza Laskarree feasted the Ckaun [Bakir Khan]. The Towne adjoynes to very high hills. The first March 1632/3. (Soroto [Surot], 6 course). About 11/2 Course from Byana wee past through Shecundra [Sikandarabad], neere which is a ruinated Castle on a hill, a part whereof being sepperated from the rest is environed with a wall, some 2 miles in Compasse and about 3/4 of a mile upp, where ascended, I saw nothinge but ruynes of howses etts. Water it hath none alofte, but is supplyed from the other side of the said rock or hill, where is a prettie valley to bee descended by stepps or staires. This [Page 235] was auntiently the seat of Shaw Shecunder [Sikandar Shah Lodi, d. 1 5 10], King of India. Within 3/4 Course of the Towne is a Trench or Channell made by Raine water, called Guddakhall [Gadda Khal, ravine], well knowne heereabouts for robberies continuallie comitted heere. Two Corse farther is the prettiest tanck I have yett seene in India, fowre square. The water is of the ground, att every Corner a well, the descent finely con- trived, with Copulaes on pillars, Chowtrees, etts., within side. The 2d March 1632/3. Wee pitched neere the Towne (Hendowne [Hindaun], 5 course) on the further side from hence. Backur Ckaun sent his sonne Mirza Facur [Fakhir] before to Ahmudavad [Ahmadabad] to take possession of the Government there in his name, with order to proceede 16 Course a day. The 3d March 1632/3. This Towne (Somt ca sara [Sop], 9 course) was dispeopled through sicknesse. The 4th March 1632/3. (Bamangame [Bamanwas], 7 course). About noone I tooke my leave of Mr Fremlen and Dongee [Dhanji], whoe lefte mee to looke to my Charge, and they returned for Agra. Thee Sth March 1632/3. There is a little Castle [Rajoll] overlookes this Towne (Lollsoote [Lalsot], 7 course), which lyes on the side of a hill as doe many others ; [the inhabi- tants] most part rebells. Heere is some base Indico made. [Page 236] The 7th March 1632/3. Some 3 course short of this place (Chatsoo [Chaksu], 7 course), wee passed by a Towne [[? Loharl-ka-pura]], out of which came three or four fellowes, whoe carried away an Oxe out of our Caphilla [kafila] belonginge to some of our Bulloaches [Baluchls], whoe had bought him and laden him with graine to carrie to Guzaratt [Gujarat] to releive their necessetie with it in tyme of that great dearth (which began att my Comeinge away and yett continued in Some part), Upon Complaint to the Ckaun [Bakir Khan] wee tooke three of the Townes people along with us to use them att our pleasure till they returned the Oxe, which stayed not longe, for att our Monzull [manzil], halting place] it was brought us, with provision and all. This Towne stands on a little riseinge, reasonable bigg, with an old paire of Castle walles. Close to it is a faire Tanck by which Backur Ckaun pitched. The 8th March 1632/3. Wee made a Moccame [makam, halt], there being sett upp an extraordinarie great and high pavillion close to the water, and Masons sett on worke to make a Chowtree [chabutra] where Backur Ckaun meant the next day to sitt his Nouroze [nauroz, New Year's Day]. The 9th of March 1632/3. Wee made an other moccame by reason the Ckaun did solempnize his Nourose aforesaid with all the Magnificence the way could affoard, as by shooteing off his shutternalb or Cammell peeces (because [Page 237] they are fitted on Cammells backs), in number 16, beating of Drumms, whereof hee hath with him 6 or 7 paire, to bee carried on Eliphants backs, of which one paire weigh 16 Maund Jehangueere, which is neere 1000 [lb.] weight Englsh sounding of his trumpetts, haveing by report when hee came from Oreshawe [Orissa] drums of silver and trumpetts of gold, which now the King is possessed of, as also Jewells and 9 great Eliphants. The Kings manner in sitting out the Nouroze. Att this tyme in Agra, the kinge sitteth out upon his throne or Tackhe [takht] of which everye kinge hath his owne, there being one now makeing for this-, that by Computation cannot be worth lesse then 4 Courourees [karor, crore] of rupees, (Every Courouree is 100 Lack and every Lack is 100000) which, in our money, is fower millions and three hundred thousand pounds sterlinge; All of pure gold, curiouslye engraven, enamelled and sett with diamonds, Rubies, emraldes, Saffiers, etts. prettious stones, taken out of the treasurie. I say the king sitteth out nine dayes under mightie high, rich and stately [Page 238] pavillions of Cloth of gold etts., with his Amrawes or Lords about him, all makeing the greatest shews of mag- nificence and mirth they can, in feastinge, presentinge, recreatinge, with severall shewes and pastimes, and dauncinge wenches, fightinge of Eliphants, etts. There is also att this tyme a Bazare or markett kept within the Moholl, where his weomen are. Thither repaire the wives and daughters of all sorts, noe man daringe to refuse the sendinge them if the king require them (although of the greatest Amrawe). Theis [the vendors] being of Jewellers, Goldsmithes, Mercers, Grocers, etts. Theis haveing their places appoynted to displaye their wares. The king cometh with the Sultana etts. weomen, himselfe playing the Broker. They all take what they like and have notes given them by those weomen that can write. They [the vendors] deliver the said Notes to their husbands and [who] are accordingly paid out of the kings treasurie. This they doe because the Kinges weomen are never suffered to goe abroad, that they may then see the varieties curiosities etts. necessaries that are in the Cittie or els where [Page 239] The 11th March 1632/3. Haveinge removed att Mid- night, wee came hither (Mozeabad [Mozabad], 1 1 course) about nine in the forenoone. The way from Lolsoote [Lalsot] plaine with some litle hills heere and there, which appeared in the plaine like Islands in the Sea ; many theeves, water scarce and wood. Wee pitched hard by Joogneca Taloo, [JogI ka talao], in which were a number of wilde ducks which (because they are not suffered to bee hurt), come close aboard the Shoare without shew of feare. This Priviledge they have from the Raja of this place. The manner how great men travell. Backur Ckaun sent his Peshconna [pesh-khana, advance- camp] before. To give you to understand what it is, I will relate the manner of great mens travellinge through the Countrie. First (as before), they send away their Pesh- conna (which is a Sutte [suite] of Tents, Cannatts, etts. accomodation) to the place where they meane next to rest, hee in the meane tyme remaineinge in another sute of Tents, etts. The which, when hee begins to sett forth, is carryed 2 dayes Journey forward, vizt., where hee intends to stay the morrowe. When himselfe is on the way, There first goe certaine Elliphants before him about 1/4 mile distance with flaggs, then the measurer of the way then troopes of horses, and among them other Eliphants with drumms on [Page 240] their backs, continually beatinge a kinde of March ; and now and then the Trumpetts sound. Then a great number of flaggs carried by Footemen. Then cometh himselfe, either in a palanqueene, if it bee darke (with Caracks [chirdgh, earthen lamp] or great lights before him), or hott or dirtye weather; els on horseback or upon an Eliphant"; Severall servants about him, some to beat away flyes, others carrye Fanns to keepe away the Sunne, others with Coole water, with divers others Then come his favourites, then the Cohouree [....] or maine bodie of horse and foote; then, after all, his Lumberment [baggage] and people of service, as Cookes, Horsekeepers, Frosts or Tent setters, water bearers, Cahares [kahar], etts. there beinge of these alsoe gon with the former Peshconna, it being now the turne of this to goe 2 dayes forward, haveing also drummes with them on Cammells, It being the Custome of Caphilaes, Banjares [banjaras] etts. to have them [i.e., drums when] travellinge the Countrie. In this Towne [Mozabad] is made yerely four or five hundred Maunds of base Indico.

49.

[Page 241]

Att Sambar is a Myne of Excellent white salte much esteemed of, and serves for great mens uses, being carried to all parts. The 12th March 1632/3. Heere (Bandersunder [Bandar Sindrl], 9 course), wee pitched by a Tanck full of fowle ; our waie hard and gravellye. The 13th March 1632/3. Att 4 in the morninge wee stayed heere amonge the Hills [Aravalli Mts.] (Setila [now Satpura], 6 course), our Cammells and Oxen not being able to followe Backur Ckaun, who went [on] to Adgemeere [Ajmer] ; our waie stonie lookeinge like Marble. Some 7 Course off is Nurnoulee, from whence are brought all your Marble stones, wherewith the kinge is supplyed for his buildinges, there being noe lesse then 500 Carts Comeing and goeinge in its carriage [i.e, for its transport]. Wee past by Kissungurre [Kishangarh], a Castle with a Cittie under it. Hard by a learge Tanck [Giind Talao]. One Course hence wee pitched by a small Towne [Sawantra], where were as many more ruynes, also of a Castle ; the Countrie round about Hillye. [Page 242] hence is a Copper myne. Also from hereabouts is brought greate store of that wee call Muscovia glasse, which is digged out of the ground, there being much of it to bee seene in the place where wee pitched our Tent. The 14th March 1632/3. The way hither (Adgemeere [Ajmer], 7 course) plaine, till wee came within 2 Course of it, and then it proved hillie and stonie. The Cittie it selfe stands under a high Mountaine [Taragarh, 2855 ft.], whereon is a Castle, with many others [hills] on every side, high, steepy and ragged, especially one, where is the Tombe of Shaw Mad are, a reputed Saint amongst them Att the foote of the adjoyninge hills are many ruinated buildings, formerly belonginge to the Amrawes in Jehan- guerrs tyme, whoe resided heere about 3 yeres, by whose Moholl or Pallace wee rested, which now lyes to ruyne Shaw Jehan hath also his hard by a faire Tanck, named Anasawgur [Ana Sagar], with a garden wherein are many Cipresse trees. [Page 243] Ajmer — The Castle. Wee ascended the Castle Hill. Wee found it 1 1/2 mile upp, and steeple, with windeinge and turninge soe that Eliphants may goe upp, but there is a neerer way, to be only ascended and descended by men, and that with difficulties On the Topp is a plaine of 1 1/2 mile in Circuit, taken in with a strong wall, within which are about 100 dwellers, and a prettie Messitt [masjid] wherein is interred Scied Miran Ching [Sayyid Miran Chang], a Suare [sazmr, horseman], whoe won this part of the Countrie from the Rashpootes and reputed a Sainct, of whome they faine some Miracles Within the said Castle or plaine is a naturall rockie Concavitie, which receives so much raine water as serves their necesseties. There are also little gardens and Fresh greene trees and flowers. Qfuaz Mondeene, one of the most esteemedst Saints in all India [Page 244] ....sawe not the Munnaries, but [except] att our setting out, for 20 or 30 Course. Hether also (as report went) Shawe Jehan would have sent his 2 elder Sonns two monethes since to take their oathes to be true and obedient to him, and Never to undertake any thinge against him, fearing (as hee might Justlie) that they would doe to him as hee did to his father [Jahangir] and elder brother [Khusru] The goeing in is through a great gate, the floore paved with marble white and black, kept verie poVisht with the bare feete of those that enter in, for all must leave their Shooes without. Haveinge passed 2 Courts, you come to the place of his Tombe [the Saint's], there sitting att the entrie on either side divers old Mullares [....] or Churchmen. The place is a Chowtree [chabutra] some 1 1/2 yards high and 2 yards square every waie, on the which was a raile, and within that his Monument or Herse, in forme like theis ordinarie ones, but covered all over with flowers. Right over it hung divers lights, globes of Steele, Estridges [ostrich] Eggs, etts. When I came forth, one presents mee with a rodd, another with seedes, another with Sandall, another with water, etts., all belonginge to their Sainct, for which they must have your goodwill (some pice)l Great resort of people continuallie from all parts thronging in and out. Of him also are reported a world of false miracles. The 15th March 1632/3. A poore Towne (Budwarree [Page 245] [Badhwara], 7 course), the waie stonye, for 4 Course under the hills. The 16 March 1632/3. This Towne (Arrea [Rea], 8 course) lyes under a litle Hill [1399 ft] that stands by itselfe, all the Countrie plaine, without either wood or water, great store of Chace, or Antelopps, Hares, partridges, etts. Wee had much trouble by a parcell of sand in a Bottome [hollow], soe that it was almost two nights and one daye before wee could gett our Carts hither The 16th March 1632/3. From Arreea hither (Mirta [Merta], 7 course) the way plaine, litle wood and water, but better peopled and manured [cultivated] then former dayes Journys. This Towne was auntiently the head of this province called Marwa. It stands on a litle riseinge, faire to see too. About the midle of it are six or seven Dewraes [deura] or Hindooe Churches in a Cluster, of verie curious workemanshipp for matter of buildinge, especially the Inside of the Copulaes (whereof they most consist), but their Imagery is not proportionable. One of the said Dewraes is of white Marble. This lyes in the Jaggueere [jagir] of Raja Gutzing [Gaj Singh] as farr as Jalore [Jalor], which by him is kept in good order, soe that people passe without molestation. Theis Inhabitants are Ra.shpootes [raj- puts]which goe after a more free and Souldier like manner then other Hindooes, rather like Masters then Subjects. Hereabout instead of horses, they ride on high Cammells, commonly 2 and 2 in a long Sadie, which goe a great pace. [Page 246] This Towne is reasonable bigg, verie well peopled, although of noe great Traffique and Commerce. Here wee spake with a Puttamare [pathmar] or foot post, whoe told us that under Abbooghurre [Abugarh] there were certaine Cammells laden with Indico violently taken out of the Dutch Caphila by Theeves, and [who had] slaine one of their Bulloaches [Baluchi]. Also that beyond Seedpore [Sidhpur] eleven Cammells were carried away as they were feeding. Also att Arreea [Rea] wee were told of 12 more carried away feedinge, all belonginge to ditto Caphila. The 22th March 1632/3. (Peeparee [Pipar]). The way stonie as it is in some places of Cornwall, beinge of the same kinde of Stone, which wee call Moore stone. Good huntinge, for 5 hares were chaced by the people to and againe [to and fro] just before my face, besides one that was killed by one of the Carters in another place. ....The water in our 2 former Journies 14 or 15 Fathome deepe, and heere not above 2 or 3. In our waie hither was a fruitefull vallie of Corne, as wheat, barley [Page 247] etts. which lay along by a Channell of a River [Jojrl, Jhojn], of which sort wee passed many from Agra hitherto, but noe runninge water in any of them att this tyme. Only in the raynes, or litle after, they are supplyed and runn like rivers. Opium — Post— Bang. There were also many feilds of Poppie of which they make opium, called heere aphim [afim] by this Countrie people, much used for many purposes. The seede thereof they putt on their bread, I meane of white poppye. Of the huskes they make a kinde of Beveredge called Post, steepeing them in water a while, and squeezeinge and strayninge out the liquor, they drinck it, which doth enebriate. In the like manner they use a certaine [plant] called Bang [bhang'] workeing the same effect, soe that most comonly they will call a druncken fellowe either Aphimee [aflmi, opium-eater], Postee [posti, opium-drunk- ard], or Bangguee [bhangi, bhangi, drug-taker], although Muttwallee [matwala, drunkard] is the right name of a drunckard. Heere is a litle old Castle with a faire en- trance. The 23th March 1632/3. It was morninge before some of the Carts arrived (Jooguee ca Talao [Jogi ka Talao], 9 course). The Laskarr being already departed. The Countrie a litle better refreshed with water. This is called Jooguee ca Talao by the reason of the residence of a Jooguee [jogi] or Faqueere [fakir] by it. ....The Countrie plaine, only heere and there a litle hill very farr distant one from an other. [Page 248] monzull [manzil], (Cacanee [Kakoni], 9 course) was a wood of Thorne trees [babul, ....', acacia arabica] of about 11/2 Course longe ; Trees of any sort scarse All the way. A few poore Townes environed with hedges of thornes 8 or 9 foote high, heaped together to keepe out pilfringe Theeves. The Inhabitants generallie Rashpootes[rajputs] ; this from Adgemeere [Ajmer] hither. One Course farther wee past by Ghora [Garha], a Towne now ruinated through the late famine that raged in Guzarratt [Gujarat], and it seemes reacheth hetherto, there beinge to bee seene aboundaunce of Skulls and bones of men and beasts. The ruynes are of a fine reddish Moore stoned Of the Countrie all this way there is scarce one part of a hundred manured [cultivated] or put to use, the rest lyeing desert and waste, although verie good ground. Corne (as wheat and barlye) now ripe, which is watered by Mans Labour, as is all other graine, gardens or any thinge els that they would have growe (generally all India over); I meane from the end of the raynes or begining of October to the begining of the raynes againe or end of May, 15 dayes more or lesse. The 25th March 1633. (Danoora [Dandara], 8 course). Wee past by a great Channell wherein runneth very much water in tyme of Raine, but now drie, and verie fine white Salt in the bottome, the earth all hereabouts saltish and consequently the water brackish, soe that there are but few Wells, Travellers beinge supplyed by Pooles of water rather then Tancks Scarce a Sarae in eight or ten dayes Journie. Nothinge [like] soe good accomodation this way as there is from Agra towards Puttana, where there are store of good Townes, tillage [cultivated fields], Talaoes [taldo, tank] and faire Saraes every foote. [Page 249] The 26th March 1633. Wee began to ingulfe our selves among the Hills [Aravalli Mts.], being on either side of us, but as yett some distance of, very stonye, ragged and un- inhabitable to see to, not any water in 7 Corse ; a poore Countrie. The Towne (Ckunducke [Khandap], 9 course) somewhat large, environed with your usuall thornie fence, every howse standinge by itselfe, in forme like our round Corne Stacks in the feild though not soe bigg nor soe high, hetherto not haveing seene any other of this sorted The 27th March 1633. This morninge wee came in Companie of a Caphila and Tanda [tdndoY with graine bound for Guzaratt. Wee stayed by this Towne (Bowrane [Bharwani], 3 course), being out of possibillitie to attaine Jalore (where Backur Ckaun arrived this day), there being noe other place to stay by the way that had any water. Hetherto from Adgemere is accompted Marwa [Marwar], and from henceforward Guzarratt [Gujarat], and heere our Carters supplyed themselves with Oxen, about 200 bought and Changed. The 28 March 1633. This Towne (Jallore [Jalor], 9 course) stands under a verie high hill [1200 ft.] whereon stands a faire Castle about two miles in Compasse, the Towne inhabited generallie with Rashpootes. [Page 250] The 30th March 1633. I returned to Jallore (9 course). Although this bee also a trade waye, yett it is verie desert, overgrowne with bushes, a poore strawe village. In 4 or 5 miles the way cloyed with sand, waters scarse and wells about 20 fathome deepe.

50.

The last of March and first of Aprill 1633.... I went upp to see the Castle [at Jalor], the gate whereof was plated with iron, with great spikes sticking out close together of a foote longe in the upper halfe, to prevent the Eliphants, with whome belike in this Countrie they use to force open gatesl It is unlevell and rockie within the ' walls, only 4 or 5 plotts where might bee made good accommodation of liveinge, especially one next the gate where is a Beauly [baoli] or pond partly naturall and part by Arte, in forme of a long square about 16 yards longe and 5 or 6 broad by Computation. It is very Cleire and deepe with fish in it, a verie prettie place. The water is of the rayne that descends from the lesser hills within the walls, beinge, Castle and all, on the topp of one great rockie mountaine ; the said Well being Cutt out of a meere [an entire] Rock, all the sides of it as upright as a wall, with stepps to descend to the water. This place is now out of [Page 251] request ; 8 or 9 poore dwellers. Sometymes heere resort Hindooes to a Dewra [deurd, temple] not yett finished. It is the neatest and prettiest that I have yett seene of that sort of Coarse white Marble. There is also a Messitt [masjid] a Moholl [mahal, palace] and a tombe of one of their Peeres [pir] or saincts. Nothinge els remarkeable but its great hight, farr and faire prospect, especiallie from one Chowtree [chabutra] on the topp of a litle Rock which overlookes all the rest. It had a Copula, but they say the Peere, beinge angrie that men went first to see that before they visited his Tombe, caused thunder and lightninge to carrie away the said Arch. As yett never a River betwene Agra and this place The 3d Aprill 1633. This (Shehana [Siwana], 3 course), is a great Towne of Hindooes, whoe not only refraine from killinge any liveing Creature but (as they say) also from Cuttinge downe Trees [Page 252] This day, in an unluckie hower, my Curiositie carried mee to see one of those Craggie hills, on whose topp there appeared the very forme of a high Tower, immagininge it to bee somewhat neere, but found it to bee twice as farr. Passinge over rocks. Clefts, etts. daungerous places, heere was the true patterne of a fearefull barren desert. Men I sawe none, only Owles out of the Clefts, wilde Peacocks, foxes, hares, wilde Catts, great Snakes, etts. and not a dropp of water to bee found. In fine, I gott upp with much labour, leaveing behinde mee fragments of my torne apparrell on thornes and bushes as I passed. On the verie topp of this round picked [peaked] hill stood a huge stone, upright, appearinge afarr of like a mightie high tower , being by my Computation neere 9 yards from the topp of it to the foote and some 8 yards about , The strangest worke of Nature that 1 have seene (another is the Porto de Sainte Adrian in Biscay). The head of this is bigger then the foote of it, lesseninge from the Topp. There is but one [peak] appearinge to sight one waye, although other waies there are two to bee seene, the one much higher then the other, as they are both in one, they shewe after this manner. [Page 254] ....The 4th and 5th Aprill 1633. Wee made two Moccames for the Cammells whoe were not yett come from Modra. The 6th Aprill 1633. About Noone wee arrived heere (Oonde [Ud], 7 course), the countrie well tilled and In- habited, but water scarse. [Page 255] The 7th Aprill 1633. Att our setting out towards this place (Sheroy [Sirohi], 4 course), our Cammells overtooke us. This Towne lyes under the Hills, plentie of all things, one only Beawly [baoli] which serves both the Inhabitants and strangers. Att night the Raja thereof came from some 7 course off (hearing of the Caphila), and within 2 howers after departed againe on swifte Cammells, It being, as I said before, the Custome of the Countrie here- abouts [to ride on camels]. The 8th and 9th Aprill 1633. Wee made Moccames to agree and pay the Jaggatt [jagat] or Custome, which att this place is extorted for all Merchandize passing this way. [Page 256] Upon report of 600 or 700 Coolees said to lye in waite for this Caphila, wee hired 8 horsemen and 115 Footemen to goe with us to the place of Suspected daunger. The 11th Aprill 1633.... [Page 257] This day wee travelled under Abbooghurre [Abugarh], a verie great and learge mountaine, the outerside exceeding high, steeple, stonye and ragged, but alofte within those Craggs is all playne, where are 12 Townes haveing water, graine, etts. maintenaunce sufficient of themselves. Next the place where wee pitched is the highest hill that I have yett scene in India, haveing 4 ridges, each of them higher then other, one within an other, all very ragged. [Page 258] The 12th Aprill 1633. (Ametola [Amtharo], 7 course). Wee still continued our way under the high and ragged hills of Abboo, manie Townes, much Tillage [cultivated land] ; Xoe water from all those hills. Lyons there bee also Porcupines. On the sides of the aforesaid hills growe many bambooes, which, with the winde waved too and againe, and soe rubb each other that they kindle and burne all that is neere them, soe that in the night wee might see severall great fires burning att once, occasioned as before. This is generally knowne and observed. The 13th Aprill 1633. By Sunne riseinge wee came hither (Mungtola [Mungthala], 5 course), through woods of great Trees, especially Burres bar, banyan-tree], from whose branches fall downe certaine thridds, which, comeing to ground, take roote and become a great body, soe that there bee some of those trees seeme like a litle grove, the severall stemms like soe many severall trees which alofte joyne one to another. For my part I never saw but one worth notyce, I thincke betwene Suratt and Agra, but att what place I knowe not. Heere were also many Tarree tari, toddy] trees, haveing not seene any that I can re- member since my Comeing from Agra. Heere ends the hills of Abbooghurre, leaveing it on our right hand, the way upp one and a halfe Course a sterne of us. Passeing by it, the howses begin to be covered with Tiles. [Page 259] The 15th Aprill 1633. This (Roe [Roha], 3 course) is a verie great Towne, well peopled and provided. It hath a great Channell of a river [the Banas], but noe running water only pooles heere and there and water within a foote, digginge for it. Wee had heere verie good fresh fish. Theis people are called Coolees There were two brothers named Ardast [Hardas] and Mandon [mandan], the latter dwelt in the Towne, the other in Sheroutra [Sarotra]. They are both dead and their Sonnes succeede them. The i6th Aprill 1633. This (Sheroutra [Sarotra], 3 course) is the other brothers Towne, not soe bigg as Roe [Roha]. The lyth Aprill 1633. (Godora [Ghod], 5 course). Some 11/2 Course from the Towne in the passage, which is [Page 260] [in the mountains] somewhat deepe and straight [steep and narrow], are divers paires of posts with holes to put long barrs a Crosse, to hinder the said passage on all occasions, theis [inhabitants] being also noe better then Rebells. About 3 course farther I sawe that which I much longed for, vizt, a Springe, which, issueinge out of a litle banck with a full and cleire streame, ran into a litle brooke ad- joyninge, whose greene and pleasant bancks represented unto my memorie Englands flowrishinge and fruitefull soyle, aboundinge in theis kindes. The 18 Aprill 1633. (Goola [Gola], 7 course). The Countrie (as yesterday) verie pleasaunt, litle or noe woods, runninge water, now and then verie much sand, badd for Carts. Wee left all the hills beyond us, two litle ones excepted by the Towne, five miles distant from any other. The 19 Aprill 1633. To daie (Mogurwarra [Magar- wada], 5 course), Champion [champaign, flat] with some woods, wherein were divers fruite trees, as Mangooes, [Page 261] Kheernees [....], Peelooes [pilu], Golares [....], wild fig], Mowa [....], etts. Sundrye fruites. Kheernees resembles a date as bigg as the topp of ones litle finger, somewhat long, yallowe and verie sweete. Peelooes, a litle fruite like Currence that growe in England, verie pleasant, both white and redd. Mowa, as bigg as a Grape, white and verie sweete, with which they make rack [spirit] by distillation. Goolares, a frewte like a blew figg within and without, but somewhat lesser, of a sweete taste. Of all theis wee found ripe (Mangoes excepted), whose tyme is about the end of May. The Countrie pleasant to see to, in round riseings, verie daungerous for Theeves, because it is in the borders of the Kings rule and the Rajaes. Last night they stole away one of our Oxen, leading him away over our people as they slept. Att the end of this Towne (Mogurwarra [Magarwada], 5 course), comes in the way [road] from Dantewary [Dantwada]. The 20th Aprill 1633. Not soe good ground as yester- day, more woods, especiallie Peeloo [pilu] trees laden. A daungerous place neere the Towne (Seedpore [Sidhpur], 6 course) soe brought a Convoy of 25 souldiers from the last [town]. As under Abbooghurre [Abugarh] the Carters and Cammellers fell att odds, soe in this verie place the Jutts [Jatt] and Carters to wounds and blowes robbing each other like mortall enemies. This place has a faire prospect, a mile of handsome howses and stronglie built Inhabitants halfe Moores halfe Hindooes, in the Jagguerr [jagir] of Muzaffe Ckaun, resident in Piran Putton [Page 262] [Patan] Heere is a Hindooe Dewra [deura] ruinated, It seemes by Moores envieing its beautie, adorned on the outside with the best Carved worke that I have seene in India, verie spacious and high, yett not a handbreadth from the foote to the topp but was Curiously wrought with the figures of men and weomen etts. their fabulous stories. Now the said Edifice is defaced by throweing downe the Copulaes, Arches and pillars thereof, breakeing the Amies, Leggs and Noses of the said Images, Thus they have handled it without, but it is much worse within, servinge for a howse of Office, where they alsoe threw the Carcasses of those that dyed by famine. The Skulls and bones of them to bee seene. Heere is a faire tilled village [Lalpur] under the Towne, a Channel1 of a River [the Saraswati] and water within three or four foote of the superficies. The 21th Aprill 1633. Wee made a Moccame [makam] by reason there went a way a Banjare [banjara] that night of 2000 Oxen, and there being but one Well, not able to suffice both, For avoyding of quarrells wee stayed heere one day. They [the carriers] had neere 100 small Shott and 6 paire of Drummes with a multitude of other people. The 22th Aprill 1633. This Towne (Nowa [Unawa], 7 course) is halfe [inhabited by] Moores and halfe ruynated, faire woods of Kheernees, Peelooes etts. in our waye. Att our setting out from Seedpore, the Carts were there much hindred by Sand. The 23th Aprill 1633. Our Canimells sett out att [Page 263] 3 a Clock in the morninge ([for] Messana [Mehsana], 8 course), but the Carts not till breake of day, by whome I stayed ; the place verie daungerous for Theeves. [Page 266] The 29th Aprill 1633. Wee came to the Cittie Ahmudavad (3 course), the Metrapolitan of Guzaratt [Gujarat] and the auntient seate of their Kinge incom- passed with a faire Compleat wall, 10 Course about (although Comonly accompted 12), and with the Suburbs, 16 course. The Bazares and streets very large, faire and conformable, now halfe ruynated and dispeopled by the last famine. A prettie River [the Sabarmati] runns by it. A verie faire Artificiall Tancke of 32 squares with stepps to descend, as that in Suratt, in the midle whereof stands a faire buildinge with a prettie garden with a litle Tancke in it, A longe and an Arched bridge, to come to it from the maynel To the said Garden every Eveninge [Page 267] there resort an Infinite number of Parratts that roost in the Cocotrees (as att Suratt the Staires [starhngs] doe to the litle Island by the English howse). By the said Tancke is the Tombe of Captaine Browne, an English man and once Principall in Ahmudavadl It is well kept and repaired. The Tancke is in Compasse att the least li mile English. It is the biggest of this kinde that I have scene in India. The 12th May 1633. In this tyme wee howsed all the goods accordinge to order from Suratt, And this Morninge arrived Mr Reading and Mr Wilbraham, Factors, with Richard Bellfield'l Moreover, 15 English under the leading of Leiutenante Smith. All theis came upp with a Sup- plie of money to the Factory. [Page 268] The 13th May 1633. Heere arrived Signior Vantwist, principall of Ahmudavad, Signior Salomon, principall of Agra, Signior Marques, Agent att the Court, Signior Isabrant, Cheife of Cambajet [Cambay] with divers other assistants of the Dutch Nation. The 15th May 1633. I departed Ahmudavad, accom- panied with :Mr Wyche, Mr Knipe (English) and the Dutch afore named, and haveing Taken our leaves in the litle garden att the great Tanck, they returned to the Cittie and my selfe came to this place (Issun Pore [Isan- pur], 2 course). The 16 May 1633. This (Mahmud Avad [Meh- madabad], 10 course) is a handsome bigg Towne. By it are the ruynes of a kings Moholl [mahal], a sweete and pleasant River [the Vatrak] runninge under it (of whose waters the Governour of Ahmudavad and other great men drinck). It is not of it selfe very bigg, but heere and there makes many spreadinge Lakes, aboundinge [Page 269] with excellent Fish', and fowle. Of the former wee were supplyed by our monyes, but of the latter by the dex- teritie of Thomas Trott, an excellent English Shooter-, whoe brought us in Peacocks etts. land and water fowle. The lyth May 1633. Heere (Borabee [Boriavl], 10 course) betwene some great Trees of Burre {bm-, banyan], a poore Tonne, greate store of wild peacocks of whome wee killed some.

51.

[Page 270]

....The 19th May 1633. Wee came to this Cittie (Brodera [Baroda], 5 course), which is walled but not verie bigg. Heere wee used to have a Factory, but now have nonel The Dutch have, for whome was Signior Arnolds Through the great and earnest suite of Scied Shecam [Page 271] [Sayyid Shikam], Sonn in law to Dellill Ckaun [Dalll Khan], late Governour of this placed Wee left our Chirurgeons Mate to Cure the foote of a Moore [Muham- madan], a freind of his, which had bene a long tyme sore and almost growne to a Canker. The 20th May 1633. (Caravan Sarae [Karvan] 10 course). This day, as the former, very wilde and woody, a black ground full of Clefts and Cracks [cotton soil], as about Suratt. The 21th May 1633. This Towne (Saron [Sarang], 10 course) as yesterdayes dispeopled through famine, ex- ceptinge some Banianes that sell graine for Travellers. [Page 272] The 25th May 1633. About nine a Clock wee came to Bereawe [Variao] being 16 Course. Leaveing all the Carts att the River side, I with some other English went over, and came to Suratt to the English howse, where I made an end of my tedious Journey from Agra, from whence I departed the 25th February and arrived heere the 25th May as abovesaid, have gon and travelled 414 Corse, vist. At my arrivall heere there were but few liveing of those I left heere att my departure, the rest dead with the Mortall Sicknesse that imedeatly followed the famine. The names of those liveing att my departure are as followeth. [Page 273] + The worshipfull Thomas Rastall, President + Mr John Skibbowe, President + Mr Gore, the Presidents brother in law X Mr Joseph Hopkinson, President + Mr James Bickford + Mr Richard Barber + Mr Arthur Suffeild Mr Henry Glascocke + Mr Ralph Rand" [Page 274] Mr John Bangham X Mr Joseph Readinge + Mr Nicholas Wolley Mr Thomas Wilbraham + Mr Thomas Smith, Secret[ary] + Mr John Glanvell« + Mr Clement Dunscomb [Page 275] + Robert Davison, Steward Thomas Ashwell X James Woode + Thomas Whitelocke + Mr Henry Quarles Of 21 persons last before named, there are only 4 remaineinge whoe are unmarked ; 14 of those markd + dyed before my arrivall and 3 with this marke x since, besides the Inferiour sort according to this proportion. The like tyme was never seene in India, There being Scarce one Man in all Suratt-howse [the English factory] able to write or sett his hand to Paper (sometymes). Theis were only by Sicknesse, but the Famine it selfe swept away more then a Million of the Comon or poorer Sorf. After which, the mortallitie succeeding-e did as [Page 276] much more amongst rich and poore. Weomen were scene to rost their Children ; Men travelling in the way were laid hold of to bee eaten, and haveing Cut away much of his flesh, hee was glad if hee could gett away and save his life, others killed outright and devoured. A man or woman noe sooner dead but they were Cutt in peaces to be eaten. Thus much by Common report (because I was not present). But att my returne I found the Countrie in a manner made desolate, scarce i left of 10, as by instance of the weavers, for whereas formerly they had brought them [the factors] 30, 40 or 50 Corge [score (of pieces of cloth)] a day, they could now scarce gett 20 or 30 peeces ; this in Baroach [Broach]. Att Suratt none att all, and in Brodra [Baroda] noe Factorie att present. In my opinion it will hardly recover it[s] former estate in 15, nay, in 20 yeares ; I meane Guzaratt. Here is an error in the computation of miles, for from Suratt to Agra, by way of Brampore [Burhanpur] I conceave is farther then from Agra to Suratt by way of Ahmudabad, the former beeing butt 551 miles and the latter 598 miles, which is more by 47 1/2 miles then the other. And should bee lesse, thatt beinge the farthest Way aboutt

[Page 277]

52. RELATION XVII. SOME PASSAGES AND TROUBLES MORE PERTICULERLY CONCERNING THE CAPHILA MENTIONED IN THE FOREGOEINGE RELATION WHICH OCCURRED IN THE CONDUCT THEREOF, VIZT.

The 25th February 1632/3. Wee departed from Agra in the morninge and that night came to Fettiepore [Fatehpur Sikrl]. The 26th February 1632/3. Wee came to Connoway [Khanwa] where I found Mr Fremlen who had already dispeeded the Carts to Neembra [Nibhera], the Cammells being to follow that night. About Noone wee had much thunder with a Terrible gust of wynde and somuch dust that wee could hardly see one another ; after which [Page 278] followed aboundance of rayne, which lasted all the after- noone. Wee departed thence about one a Clock afternoone (the rayne continueinge) and came to Neembera aforesaid, The Cammells not being able to lade by reason of the fowle weather, one third part of the Carts being without Covers and three quarters of the Cammells goods lyeinge open in the feilds ; but wee hoped it tooke noe hurt. The 27th February 1632/3. Heere the Ckhaun made one dayes Moccame [inakdm, halt] by reason of the raigne, which about Noone powred downe in such manner that the like hath seldome ben scene for the tyme. It came with verie great haile and such a gust of winde that our Tent or feild Coveringe did litle availe to keepe our selves drye. This morninge the Cammells arrived, the goods enduring this terrible shower with the rest in the open feilds, the rayne still continueinge but not soe violent. The 28th February 1632/3. Wee came to Byana [Bayana] in Company of Backur Ckaun [Bakir Khan], whoe promised to protect and free us from paying Cus- tomes on the way. [Page 279] The first March 1632/3. Wee all sett forward on our Journie. The 2d March 1632/3. Wee came to Somf ca Sarae [Sop], whether Mr Fremlen accompanied us, and haveing ended Accompts with the Cammellers, Carter balloaches [Page 280] [Baluchis], etts. (a very troublesome peece of busines), hee returned to Agra leaveing mee to my Charge. The 11th March 1632/3. Wee came altogether [to] Baldersunder [Bandar Sindri] The 12th March 1632/3. From hence Backur Ckhaun and his Laskarre past through to Adgemeere [Ajmer], beinge 13 course but then neither our Cammells nor Carts Could keepe him Company. The former stayed halfe the way but the latter proceeded three Course farther. I stayed with the Cammells, as being hindermost and neerest daunger, where one of our Cammellers was carried to Kissinghurre [Kishngarh], a Castle hard by, demaund- inge 100 rupees for hurt done by the Cammells in their Corne (being noe such matter). The 13th March 1632/3. Wee also arrived att Adge- meere, where the Ckaun [Khan] made another Moccame [makdin, halt] for his owne occasions, els had wee bene already left behinde. [Page 281] Never had Caphila more need of Assist- ance then this, consideringe the greatnes of the charge, length of the way, multitude and diversitie of the worst sort of people in India to deale withall, baddnesse of the tyme, but, last and worst, bound to keepe Company with a laskarre with such a number of base [inferior] Cattle and Carts that all that sawe them held it impossible they should long hold out. Yett with all theis hard Conditions am I thrust out alone, with litle [knowledge of the] language, haveing noe body that I can trust or cares to take any paines to ease mee to looke after the Companies goods, To helpe to compound the unreasonable demaunds of Carters, Cammellers, etts., To decide their quarrells, differences etts., to perswade them to reason, They being most comonlye obstinately bent to doe what they liste, although to the Companies losse, which I am afraid wilbe noe small matter through the want of such a one. The 16th March 1632/3. Cominge from Budderwarra [Badhwara] to Arreea [Rea], about 50 of our Carts lost their way, I being then with our Cammells; and Comeinge att our Monsull [manzil] I found but 1 1 Carts in all, some out of the way as aforesaid and others hindred by Sands, Soe that they were faine to put eight, ten and twelve Oxen to one Carte to gett them over quarter of a mile of the said deepe sand, soe that wee wrought about them till 9 a Clock that night. Yett came they not to the rest for that night, neither the other Fiftie, after whome I sent 8 men severall wayes to bringe newes, which wee had about three a Clock in the morninge That they were gon towards Mirta [Merta] another way. That night alsoe another Cart broke in the Midle. The 17th March 1632/3. Wee came to Mirta [Merta], vizt., 50 by the high way, 48 I came along withall, and [Page 282] the rest came after, for whose safer passage I desired a Horseman of Backur Ckauns [Bakir Khan] to goe along with them. The Carts were sore Tottered and shaken with the sand that they were scarse repaired and fitted in 3 dayes Moccames [makam] the Amrawe [amir] made their (sic). Heere the Carters required 50 rupees per Cart to supply themselves with Oxen etts. I never thought of this ; but Mr Fremlen knew it, unto whom they had made the same demaund, whoe bidd them rest satisfied, for that I carried wherewith to Content them all, which was but rupees 2000, untill by Dongees [DhanjI's] perswasion I had looo more, in all rupees 3000. Of this the Cammellers had 1000 to provide themselves with other Cammells in leiwe of those that should die or faile. In former tymes, as I am informed, they used to carry spare Cammells for that purpose in the Caphila, but nowe there are none, or if there bee any, they are laden with graine for their provision to and in Guzaratt [Gujarat]. Such is the feare they have of the famine, which now, by report, is much deminishcd (God be praised). To the Carters I paid all that was lefte, beinge rupees 1650, only reservinge 50 or 60 for expence of dyett. [Page 284] The 22th March 1632/3. Wee came to Peeparree [Pipar], to which place some of our Carts were not arrived by 3 Course the next day, while the Laskarre, Peshconna [pesh-khana, advance-camp] and all, were by Computation att Jooguee ca talao [Jogi ka Talao], one Journey before us. Soe that I rode back and hired 3 Carts out of the neerest Towne to ease the rest. That if it were possible wee might attaine the Laskarr by night. On each of which Carts there was 3 Maunds graine att least. And how to remedie it I know not, they alleadging it is the sustent of their lives and the lives of their Cattell. Comeing within 2 Course of our Monsull I overtooke 18 Carts goeing on. It being somewhat late, I left them to come after, and past forward to looke for more. Theis latter Carts arrived but 2 howres before the Laskarr sett away for the next Monzull. The 23th March 1632/3. There were fower Carts stayed behinde all the rest mending their wheeles, as also wanting Oxen. Theis wee supplyed from the Towne and sent them away. Passinge onwards wee should finde [Page 285] 15 Carts att a Stand; in another place 20, and their Oxen a grazeing as though they had nothinge els to doe, nor by their goodwills would they stirr, not careing what became of the goods soe they might refresh their Oxen. All theis wee hastned forward, whoe arrived about Sunsett. Then had wee newes of 2 Carts that were out of their way, whome wee sent presently to looke after. The 26th March 1632/3.... [Page 286] This was our continuall life, by reason of the weaknes of our Cattell, badnesse of the Carts, weight of their Ladinge and length of the Monzulls [inanzil, stage], comonly 8, 9, 10 Course a day, whereas good strong Carts with easie Charge [light loads] goe not above 5, 6 or 7 Course voluntarilye att most. Besides that being a tyme of scarcitie, they had put into each Cart 2 or 3 Maunds of graine etts. provision, when as they were scarse able to stirr with what they had before. Oxen died and failed dayly, the labour and vexation continuall and extraordinarie ; but nothing troubled mee more then the feare to leave some Cart or other behinde, of which there was never hope it would ever overtake us more, but run hazard to bee robd, [and] great Costs for its bringing forward. Besides, there is noe question but the rebells would make those latter Carts to pay for all the rest that were escaped without Custome as before [is] sayd ; my selfe all day rideinge forth and back in the Sunne, Scarce suffered to Eate or rest att any tyme through seekeinge after lingring Carts, whoe most comonly would arrive about midnighte and to bee dispeeded againe within 2 or 3 howres after. How many mornings have I found 2 or 3 Carts remaineinge, not able to Stirr (when all the rest were gon) through some default or other, whome I must supplye in all hast with Oxen, wheeles, etts., as I Could bee furnished from the next Towne, and then sett them forward after the rest. The unsufficiencie of theis Carts and Oxen was apparent enough in Byana [Bayana] to all that Sawe them, whoe made it a difficult matter they should hold out longe (as is before said). [Page 287] The 27th March 1633. Heere att Bowrane [BhanwanI] the Carters supplyed themselves with above 250 Oxen, what bought and chaunged. Amonge the rest Jessa [Jassa] aforementioned, whoe, of 20 hee brought from Agra, had now but one lefte, the rest dead and chaunged. Soe by the tyme God shall send us to Suratt, hee wilbe twice more indebted to the Companie then hee was before his settinge forth of Agra, although hee sell Oxen and Carts and all. [Page 288] Neverthelesse, with much adoe, wee perswaded them to put [set] out, but it was noone before any of our Carts were gotten a Course further, soe that finally wee were lefte in a desperate case, many of our Carts stopped and some of them lyeing broken in the Sand, noe hope now lefte to hold out, haveinge hetherto kept Company with the Laskarre with extraordinarie labour, hazard and vexation, losse of Cattle, tiring of men etts. I, for my owne perticuler, will take my oath that, to my remembrance, I never tooke more care and paines, nor suffered more disquietnes and dis- content in all my life (for the tyme) then I have done in this busines, scarse eatinge my meat in peace, some dayes without tastinge any thinge att all nor takeinge any rest, men now groweinge unwillinge to doe what I bidd them, wearied with extraordinary labour and watch- inge, and many tymes in daunger of their lives attending on Carts att all tymes of the night in woods and perrilous places. Seinge the busines overthrowne, and that the Carts Could not proceede with the Laskarr for all our uttermost endeavour and ernest desire and the Carters contract, I concluded to send the Cammells with the Laskarr and my selfe to come after with the Carts, and leaveing them in Jallore, I went with the Moccadames [mukaddam, [Page 289] headman] of the Cammells to Modra [Modra] by way of Dantewarree [Dantwada], with intent to recommend them to Cuttwall Ckaun untill they came to Ahmudavad [Ahmadabad]. Wee were noe sooner arrived but they fell a Consultinge, as is their manner, and after 3 howres resolved againe not to goe (haveing first given their consents thereto) alledginge that their Cammells would neither hold out, that they had tired 6 that day which left their Lading in the midway, which they sent for afterward. [Page 290] The first Aprill 1633. Wee stayed one day more to mend their Carts, or rather to marre them by puttinge graine into them, bought (as I conceive) with the money they tooke att Imprest [money advanced], for which purpose I was faine to take upp in Jallore 7000 rupees by exchange, remitting it to bee paid in Ahmudavad, whereof 2000, after many dayes importunitie to Cuttwall Ckaun [Kotwal Khan], I receaved of Backur Ckhaun [Bakir Khan], whose Treasurer gave mee a Bill for 160 Mohores [mohar]. To him was allowed 2 per Centum. To a Sharaffe [saraf money-changer] to pay the gold there, It being payable in Ahmudavad, I gave 5 per Centum. The Mohores were sold att 12 1/2 rupees each [28s.], the money to be repayed in Mohores att Ahmudavad, on which I feare there will not bee lesse then 6 or 7 per Centum losse more, besides 1 1/2 per Cent to severall officers, in all about 15 or 16 per Centum losse. This is the effect of Cuttwalls Ckauns proffer. Of Backur Ckauns you have already heard in leaveing us behinde. The rest of the [Page 291] money I tooke att 8 and 10 per Centum. Money I must have perforce and thus I must give [interest] or goe without it. [Page 292] The 6th Aprill 1633. Att last our Cammells came to us after nine dayes being asunder, and not in my power to bring them together, as you have heard. Att Shehana [Siwana] there overtooke us 40 Carts, whereof 7 of the Dutch laden with Salt peter, whoe came with us as farr as Hendowne [Hindaun], Haveing gotten off them in the way 8 dayes beforehand, besides 5 Moccames [makam], which wee all lost againe through the Crossnesse [ill-humour, quarrels] of the Cammellers and Carters. The 7th Aprill 1633. Att Sheroy [Sirohi] there were three Carts of Gunnaes [Gana] not come with the rest, the place verie dangerous, for now were wee come amonge the Hills of Robbers and Rebells. Men exclaymed on him and the badnesse of his Carts, refuseing to come with them. Dayly hindrance doe wee suffer through his meanes. Hee hath the Charge of 36 of those rotten Carts, neither had hee a good Oxe when hee came forth from Byana [Bayana], being now furnished with our meanes. This cannot bee remedied, being forced to give him money and faire words to goe on with all expedition. [Page 294] The 11th Aprill 1633. Cammells, Carts, Convoy and all departed together next morninge. Neere unto the verie place where the Dutch Caphila was robbed were two wayes. In one were the Cammells ; in the other the Carts. A litle farther theis 2 waies mett into one, and the Carts drove in and brake the file of the Cammells that were tyed one to another, Soe that they fell by the eares to the endaungeringe the Companies meanes ; one hurt in the [Page 295] breast ; another shott in the Arme ; another died next day of the blowes hee then received ; divers of the one side robbed by the other, all sides complayninge. In con- clusion, the quarrell was taken upp for the present to be afterwards tryed in Ahmudavad by their Kinges lawes, although they have made proffers to assaile each other since and live upon their guarde, pitching [their tents] severally and never a man to mediate the matter but my selfe with my litle language. The 17th Aprill 1633. By three a Clocke morninge the Carts were stirringe and goeing out. My selfe found the Cammellers all a sleepe. Neither would they stirr untill they had money, Soe was faine to let them have somuch as to pay for certaine Cammells they had agreed for last eveninge. Haveing sett them goeinge, I by chance went to the place where the Carts had pitched (for most comonly they kept a sunder) and found they were all gone, but had throwne downe two fardles belonginge to the Cammellers, not leaveing any to looke to them ; only poore people that were gatheringe strawe told us where they lay. There leaveing people to looke to them, I rodd two Corse after the Cammellers to gett them to bring the said Fardles away, for which they sent a Cammell they [Page 296] had newly bought and loaded them on her. It was ten to one they had not bene lost, the people in generall being such Theeves. The 19th Aprill 1633. Settinge out from Mogurwarra [Magarwada] to Seedpore [Sidhpur], wee were informed the way was verie daungerous, soe tooke a Convoy of 3 horsemen and 22 Footemen.... From Ahmudavad, accordinge to my request, Mr Wych sent a Couple to assist me, but they were too honest, soft and quiet to deale with such a Company. The 23th Aprill 1633. Betwene Nowa [Unawa] and Messana [Mehsana], there are two Townes named Daoo [Mot! Dau] and Bandoo [Bhandu] where they take extra- ordinarie Jaggatts. Our Cammells passinge betwene theis [Page 297] two places a litle before day, some of Bandoo stood by the high way, whoe being demaunded what they were, replyed they were of the Towne and stayed there to tell [count] the Cammells. Our Folke said they were Theeves and layd hold of one of them, takeinge from him his Armes and apparrell, with misuseing etts. (as in the Journall afore- goeinge). In fine, they killed one of our men and one of theires was hurt under the Eye by ours. In conclusion wee compounded our Custome and departed. It was certainely affirmed, had any of their people bine slaine, they would have revenged themselves on us and made what spoyle they listed of the goods. The 25th Aprill 1633. Att Jurnucke [Jornang] there fell some rayne, soe cawsed the Palls [pal, tent] to bee sett upp. The Cammellers, Balloaches, etts., immagininge they were provided for them, gott under, till I was faine to drive them out. [Page 298] Had it nott pleased God to cease the rayne, the goods had layen att the mercie of the water. This is the manner of theis Countrie people in tyme of neede, As Mr Fremlen or any man els might well perceave att Byana [Bayana], when the goods lay soe long in the Water. And if perchaunce they doe any service extraordinarie, they expect a perticuler reward, thincking themselves wronged if they have it not. Settinge out from thence, very much sand, although somewhat settled by rayne. Heere the Carters left divers Oxen behinde them, some dead some tyred. It had bene a difficult Journey for the Carts, had not the raine hardned the Sand. All the fresh Oxen wee had att Bowrane [Bhanwani], etts., now growne leane and fainte, soe that it wilbe as much as they can doe to reach to Ahmudavad without supply, haveing had already almost as much as I thinck their Oxen and Carts bee worth, and the Cam- mellers more then I can valew their Cammells att, haveing had rupees 2800 in debts before they came out of Agra.

53.

[Page 301]

The 15th May 1633. By the Presidents and Councells order from Suratt, I sett out from Ahmudavad with 18 English that brought upp treasure. Wee carried with us 8 balles of Musters, more 52 Carts belonging to Gunna [Gana] and Kesoo [Kesu], they alleadginge that they had better Creditt in Suratt then Ahmudavad, and doubted not of a Fraight from thence to Brampore [Burhanpur], thereby to pay what they owed unto the Honourable Companye.

[Page 302]

54. RELATION XVIII. OF INDIA IN GENERALL AND OF THE MAREENE ATT SWALLY

The 4th November 1633. Haveinge remained all the Raines in Suratt, on the day abovesaid arrived 6 English Shipps, vizt., 3 immediately from England, the Palsgrave, Captaine Richard Alnutts the Discovery, Mr William Morris and the Reformation, Mr Nalbro [Norbury]. The [Page 303] Other 3 went [had gone] from Suratt to Mesulopatan [Masulipatam] and from thence to the Islandes of Comoro, vizt. the Jonah, Captaine John W'eddell (late Commander of the Charles that was unfortunately burned in Port Swally, whoe aided the Persians att the takeinge of Ormuz the Mary, Captain James Slade, and the Hart, Captaine Richard Swanley Theis 3 latter mett att Johanna with the 3 former. All these together from thence went to Persia and soe came to Suratt as aforesaid (the Pinnance Intelligence arriveinge long before), whoe was sent with advice to them to the Islandes [of Comoro] and brought newes from them. Our Shipps, by reason of the extreame Current, wyndes and fowle weather (which happen in the raynes) not beinge able to abide or ride it out in the Port of Swally, doe about the midle of Aprill, leave the place and goe elswhere to winter, as to Bantam, Mesulipatam, Isles of Comoro, some- times to IMocca [Alocha] in the Redd Sea, and sometymes [Page 304] abroad to intercept Portugall vessells comeinge from Europe. The 14th November 1633. By the Presidents order (the Worshipfull William Methwold now come in the Pals grave) and his Councell, I was appoynted Factor att the Marreene [[? shipping clerk]], and Mr Fraunces Day my assistant, Soe departed Surat and came to Swally, and there received on Shoare all Europe goods now come in the new Fleete, Also shipped in the Maty such Indico etts. India goods as were heere ready provided for her ladeing, shee beinge enordered for England ; moreover Persian goods and passengers in other 4 shipps bound for Gombroome ; And this Countrie Comoditie in the Reforwiation bound with the Pinnance Intelligence for the Coast of Sumatra to barter for pepper which beinge done, I was permitted (by the President and Councell aforesaid) my tyme being expired, to take my passage in the Mary [Page 305] aforesaid for my native Countrie. But before I part hence I will enlearge 2 or 3 wordes more of India. Although in my severall Journies I have touched att many perticulers of it, I will now speake a litle thereof in generall, and of this place, the Marreene in perticuler. Of India : its Inhabitants. India hath Decan [Dakhan] on the South, Persia and Tartaria to the Northwards, the gulfe of Bengala, Aracan, Pegu on the east, and the Ocean sea on the West, as by the Mapps [Baffin's] appeare. The Inhabitants are Moores [Muhammadans], Hindooes, Parsees, Hallallcores [halalkhor, low-caste]. Moores are of severall kindes, as Mogolls [Mughal], Scieds [Sayyid], Patans [Pathan], Sheczaadas [Shekhzada, Indian Muhammadan convert]. Hindooes of Innummerable Casts, as formerlie is touched. Theis two are generally all over [the country]. Parsees are only found about Suratt, whoe neither burie nor burne their dead, but in certaine round, wide, lowe towers [Towers of Silence] they are laid on their backs with some Coveringe over them circularwise, be- gining att the Circumference untill it come round, and within them another ranck, they lye to putrifie, or to bee eaten by fowle. [Page 307] Beasts. Such beasts as are heere, and that wee have alsoe in England, bee horses, oxen, deere, Sheepe, Goates, hares, doggs, ratts, etts. Of the latter there are a sort called Goosed that are as bigg as a prettie pigg of 10 or 12 dayes old. Of other sorts there are Eliphants, Rinoseroses, Cammells of diver sorts, Buffaloes wilde and Tame, Lyons, Tigers, Leopards, Munckies, Musk catts [musk deer], Shaw- goses Nilgaves [nilgai], Roses [rojh], Antelopps, Wolves, Jacalls, Foxes, etts. Fowle. Of Fowle there bee Geese, Ducks, henns, Pidgeons, Hawkes, Kites, Crowes, Swallowes, sparrowes ; only att Agra amonge the Kings Fowle I sawe one of our kinde of Turkies or Ginny Henns, and a Parratt with a home on his head. Of other kindes in India, the Saroes, Pellicans, Paioro [mayur, peacock], Flumengo, wilde Peacocks, Cranes, Turtle Doves of severall sorts, Parratts, and many other both great and small land and water fowle ; Also great Batts [flying-fox], such as are att Mohillia, of three quarters of a yard betwene the poynts of the winges. A Saros is the biggest flyeing Fowle that I have yett seene, [Page 308] of a Blewish Ashey Colour, many tymes kept Tame in great mens Gardens. The Pellican resembles a Goose in shape of body and Feete, but twice as bigg, the bill about a Foote longe. Att the under part hangs a bagg or skinne that holds a potle of liquor att least. They are good meate, and of forme as per this Figured Fishes. Fishes, there are Mulletts, Prawnes exceeding greate, and many other sorts. In great Rivers are Aligators or Crocodills. On the land are sundrey sorts of Snakes, whereof some with broad Finns on both sides their head [cobra] carried about to bee seene by those that she we feats, standinge halfe upright as per this Figured Amphisbenae. There are alsoe carried about for the said purpose others, as bigg as a mans Arme of 7 or 8 foote longe [either pythons or hamadryads]. Another sort there is, called Domoh [domunha, water snake], to say 2 mouthes, vulgarly held to have 2 heads, att each end one, and that [Page 309] one halfe of the yeare hee useth one head, and th' other halfe yere the other. I once found one of them dead in my way, which seemed to have 2 heads indeede, both ends being ahke ; but for all I could deserne, it had but one realP. Here are also Efts and Lizards of severall kindes. Trees. Trees here are the Lyme, Pomgranat and Figg tree, as also the vine. About Agra are Cipresse, orenge and Apple trees. The rest doe all differ, and amongst them the strangest are the Cocotree and Arbor de Raiz [banyan tree] which are els where described, as in Linschott [Linschoten], etts. Fruites. Fruites heere of the Trees aforementioned, Alsoe Ananasses [pineapples], (the daintiest), Mangoes, Plan- taines, beares [ber], Jamboes [jambu, rose-apple plum], Jacks, and sundrie others. Also Cowcumbers. Graine. Graine heere is wheate, barley and a number of other sorts ; with which the Comon sort of people live, especially Rice. [Page 310] Hearbes. Hearbes are Coleworts, Lettice, Mints, Beets, and sundrie other differinge from ours. Roots. Turnipps, Carrotts, Potatoes and other unknowne with us. Flowers. Roses, Jasmines, French Marygolds, Poppees, and of other sorts many, especially 2, the one called Kheera and the other Chambelee [chambeli] (I take it) as bigg as a prettie Tewlipp, have coullor and smell like a wall Jelly [gilly] flower. Theis growe on Trees as doe many other. Gummes and druggs an Infinite number, as Spikenard, Gumlack [lakh, lac], etts. Merchandize. The Cheife is Indico, First that of Agra, then that of Ahmudavad ; then Callicoe from Baroche [and], Brodra, cheifely, and some from other parts ; Saltpeter from Agra and Ahmudavad ; Spiknard, Gumlack from ditto places ; Agatte ware from Cambayett [Cambay] by Suratt, where there is an Hospitall for sicke folke made and kepte by Bannianes. I say for sicke Fowle by reportte. Coyne. Coyne is of good gold, silver, Copper, etts., vizt. — Of gold there is only Mohores [mohar] or Gunnees [guineas] and half ones ditto, the whole one worth about 5 nobles [of 6s. Sd. each] English, somety mes more or lesse. Of Silver [Page 311] there are rupees and half rupees, worth 2s. 3d. a whole one, there being of severall stampes and some difference in their valewe, knowne to the Money Chaungers or Sharaffees [sarraf]. The Mohore and rupee aforemen- tioned are Currant all India over. Then there are Mahmoodees [mahmudi, about is] which goe only att Suratt and thereabouts, hardly att Ahmudavad. Then of Copper there are pice, being of one weight and Currant [currency] in all places, and are valewed not att much more then they are sold or bought to make potts or Kettles. Sometimes they are 20 to a Mahmoodee sometymes more, sometymes lesse. Theis pice are againe valewed into Almonds about Suratt, where 40 or 50 goe Currant for i pice. And att Agra they have little shells called Cowrees, whereof 50 or 60 to a pice accord inge to the Bazare [rate]. The Soyle. The Soyle [country], forasmuch as I have scene, is for the most part plaine ; only heere and there some Hills. It hath many great rivers, as Ganges, Indus, etts. In tyme of drought or out of the raynes watringe their graine by labour of Oxen, draweing it out of Wells. And soe in hast I have over runne all this Countrie hitherto. Now 2 or 3 words of the Mareene where I am now att present, and then bidd it and all India farewell for awhile. The Mareene. The Mareene of Swally is a place on the strand or Sand, close to the waterside where the Shipps ride in the [Page 312] porte (or hole where for the tyme there is great doeings, as landing and ladeing of goods, There being a Factor Appoynted with an assistant to discharge the place ; Also a purser of the Mareene for matter of provision, shippes stores, etts., whoe have their severall Tents, besides the presidents great tent sett upp to receive him when he commeth downe about the Companies affaires", which this yere was left solely to us (though not so much for our ease). Before it is erected the English Coullours or Redd Crosse on a Waste [field], etts. Heere are alsoe 50 or 60 Souldiers with a Captaine of the Guarde, livetennant, Corporalls, etts. to secure the place from Portugalls etts. enemies. Theis have also Tents, vizt., The Captaine of the Guard by himselfe and the Court of guarde [corps de garde] for all the rest. Heere are also the Coopers, Saile- makers, etts., with severall Tents belonging to each shipp, where they trimme [put in order] their Caske mend sailes, drye powder etts. shipps busines. Heere is a great Bazare, made by Banianes, of Bambooes, Reed, etts., where all manner of Necessaries and Comodities are to bee had Alsoe provision, especially Toddy, which findes [Page 313] Currant and quick dispatch. The said Bazare (as soone as the shipps make way to be gon) is sett on fire. When they [the ships] are enordered for Persia, Then come downe the Moores [Muhammadans] goods and their owners, whoe have each their severall Tent according to his quallitie, where they remaine untill their goods are shipped off, soe that it resembles a good Campe for Souldiers, munition [provisions], tents, people, etts., And great Mart for the aboundance of Rich goods all over the Mareene. It is a place of great Trouble, care and vexation for the while, as I my selfe proved by ex- perience, and could demonstrate, haveinge soe many shipps to unlade, relade, to receive from one and con- signe to another, all in hast, one upon the neck of an other.

[Page 339]

Appendix A APPENDIX A. THE FAMINE OF 1630— 1632.

In explanation of Mundy's statements it has been thought worth while to gather together here all that has been recorded of this terrible disaster of the early English days in India. One of the most important facts Mundy brings out about the effects of the famine on the Europeans in Gujarat is the disastrous death roll amongst the Company's servants in the following year, the result, no doubt, of the physical weakness following on any famine which is severe and general in its extent. Extracts from seventeenth century writers regarding the famine. 1. 7 October 1630. Met two small boats [near Bassein] full of pour pepooll that came from Cambay bound for the Decans countrye, by reasonn of the exstream famyne in Cambay and all the MogoUs countrye. We let them pase cleare, seing ther was no Portingalls in them. Johfi Viands Account of the Cruise to the Comoro Islands {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, P- 45)- 2. 2 November 1630. On this coaste [Masulipatam] is a great and mortall dearth, which begann three yeares since and still increaseth, which with the unusuall great cargazone invested this yeere in this place, with the many free traders Dutch and Danes, etc., hath raised the prise off cloth to an extraordinary rate, and scarce to be so procured, and hath allso beaten downe [Page 340] the prise of gold, allum, and broadcloth, that in one hundred yeeres there hath not, neither may be expeckted, the like, to the great hinderance and losse to our parte of the Second Generall Voyadge. George IVi/Ioughby "c. at Masulipatam to the Company {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 79). 3. 12 November 1630. Rice being much needed [at Surat], it is suggested that a quantity should be procured from Macassar before the ships' arrival, to supply their own wants and serve the markets here or in Persia, in case that Gods heavye wrath should not be yet appeased in the further punishing of these people. President Rastell and Council at Surat to the factors at Masuli- patam ajid Bantam {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 94). 4. 17 November 1630. You cannot be unprivy to the universall callamytie of this countrie, by reason of dearth and famine, nowe growne to such an extreame that wee ourselves are become behoulding for corne even to supply our househould provisions. How destitute therefore wee are of all meanes and hopes to furnish you with either bread or rice from hence let this just complaint of ours informe you, and make you sensible of the miserye. It remaynes hereupon that you therefore put your people to a shorter allowance of bisket, though you inlarge the more in flesh. Of rack ['arak] you may not expect any more then one [[? cask]] but to be sent you before your departure hence for Persia. What we shalbe able to provide in your absence wee cannot promise, the distillers being all of them (or the most part) with their famylies departed into the parts of more hoped plenty, as are many thousands besides, as well weavers, washers, dyers, etc. ; that puts us allmost into dispaire of a competent lading for the succeeding yeares home retourns ; and yet these are but the beginings of greater woe yet to come. President Rastell and Council at Sural to the Commanders at Sivally {Ettglish Factories, 163c— 1633, p. 97). 5. 31 December 1630. These [attacks from the Portuguese] were the disturbances which your President, etc., were to struggle with at their first arrivall. And not these alone, but others also, though not so daungerous, yet difficult too, by reason of an universall dearth over all this continent, of whose like in these parts noe former age hath record ; the country being wholy dis- manteled by drougth, and to those that were not formerly [Page 341] provided noe graine for either man or beast to be purchast for money, though at seavenfould the price of former tymes acus- tomed ; the poore mechaniques, weavers, washers, dyers, etc., abandoning their habitacions in multitudes, and instead of reHefe elcewhere have perished in the feilds for want of food to sustaine them. Hence it came to pass that for many dayes after our arrival! there were noe carts or beasts of burden to be had upon any condition whatsoever ; by which meanes for a while wee were greatly hindred in the usuall prosecution of our bussines, till from the inland countrye (where was some plenty for cattell) wee were otherwise provided. . . . [Gold] is now somewhat fallen in price by reason of this extraordinary dearth before touched, the richer sort falling short of their wonted incomes and profitts, and are therefore disabled of the meanes to buy and hourd up gould as in former tymes; and contrarywise the poorer people constrained to sell their goulden Jewells to buy them food.... This direfull tyme of dearth and the Kings continued warrs with the Decans disjoynted all trade out of frame; the former calamitie haveing fild the waies with desperate multitudes, who, setting their lives att nought, care not what they enterprize soe they may but purchase meanes for feeding, and will not dispence with the nakedest passenger, not soe much as our poore patta- mars pathmdr runner] with letters, who, if not murthered on the way, doe seldome escape unryfled, and thereby our advises often miscarried on the other side. President Rastell, 6r., at Surat to the Company [English Factories, 1630 — 1633, pp. 122, 123, X29). 6. 8 January 1631. Found everything in good order at Surat; onley a most mizerable mortall[it]y amongst the natives of this country, who for want of food (with [i.e. like] Jacobs sonns) with their whole famylyes dayley travell into forrain partes to seeck bread. And for want of this last yeares rayne is soe much augemented that, onely for want of sustenance with food, the poore people lye as a woefull spectacle to behould in our streetes and highwayes as wee passe along, dying and dead in great nombers. James Bickford at Sivally to Edward Sher- borne, Secretary to the Coinpany {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, pp. 134—135). [Page 342] 7. 22 March 1631. Sailed to Persia on January 7 and arrived on February 7. Embarked [thence] 70 passengers, 800 packages of theirs, and 459 bags of grain and 488 baskets of dates to supply the wants of the ships and factories in India. Richard Barry aboard the Royal James to the Company {English Factories, 1630— 1633, p. 143). 8. 18 April 1 63 1. The famine raging here renders it ad- visable that they should collect any rice or other grain they can get at the Comoros. For this purpose they may barter some of their goods, and they may also open one chest of the rials delivered to Captain Wills, using, however, strict economy in both directions. President Rastell and Council at Sural to [the Fleet expected from England {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, P- 145)- 9. 22 April 1631. The want of carts, owing to the mortality caused by the famine, delayed the dispeed of the fleet for Persia till January 7... [by April 5] the investments made at Ahmadabad and Cambay for Bantam, etc., had not fully come down to the port [of Swally] ; and a great blessing it was that wee procured its transport, though at five tymes the rates of former yeares, amounting not to less than 30 or 40 per centum (the verie charge of cartage) more then prime cost of the goods themselves ; which we hope you will consider by its countervail in sales... but more principally the small quantities of like goods to be expected the yeare insueing, these parts of Guzerat above all other being bereaft of the greater part of weavers, washers, and dyers, who (such as are escaped the direfuU stroake of famine) are disperst into forraigne parts of greater plentie, leaveing few or none of their facullty to putt either themselves or us into action ; and God knowes many yeares must pass ere the ordinarie traffick of these parts be resettled againe into its wonted frame and condition. President Rastell and Council at Sural to the Agent and Council of Bantam {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, pp. 145 — 146). 10. 8 September 1631. Twas happy it fell out so i.e., that an early investment had been made in the southern factories] considering the tymes, which are reduc't to that change and miserie (in these parts of Guzerat especially) as, besides the excessive rates of Serquez [Sarkhej] indico and all manner of [Page 343] Indian cloathing (too deare by much to render it profitable in England), theres no goods (except Agra indigo), no, not to be had for mony. ...The raynes hereabout having falne superfluously which with bad government is cause of the highest extreame of scarcity, wheate and rice being risson to 2 1/2 sere for a mamoodee, butter at a scare and a quarter, a hen at 4 or 5 ma[moodees] (and rare it is to see one) ; and to afflict the more, not a family throughout either here or Baroch that hath not been vissited with agues, feavors, and pestilentiall diseases. God avert these judgments from us, and give us strength to suffer His chastise- ments with patience. President Rastell and Council at Surat to the Agent and factors at Bantam {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, pp. 164, 165 — 166). II. 9 December 1631. Here at our arrivall wee found the Presidentt in health, but all the merchants in this factory either dead or sicke, those liveinge hardly able to helpe one another ; the towne itselfe and all the countrey adjoyneing in a manner unpeopled. Soe that the tymes here are soe miserable that never in the memory of man any the like famine and mortaUity hapened. This that was in a manner the garden of the world is nowe turned into a wildernes, haveinge fewe or noe men left to manure [cultivate] theire grownd nor to labour in any pro- fession ; soe that places here that have yealded 15 bayles cloath made them in a day hardly yealds nowe three in a moneth. Amadavaz, that Hkewise yealded 3,000 bayles indico yearely or more, nowe hardly yealds 300 ; yett a plentifuU yeare for yts grouth, but fewe men liveinge to gather it, but lies rottinge on the grownd. Agra hath not bin toucht with this famine nor mortaUity, but continewes in its former estate ; but that place affords little to satisfie soe maney buyers, espetially the Dutch and English towards the ladinge of our shipps ; and whatt we shall doe to gaine our ladinge against the next yeare God Almightie only knowes, for wee knowe not. And yours and our unhappines is the more for the losse of Mr Rastell, our late Presidentt, whoe deceased the 7th November last, and left not a man behind him in this factory Suratt able to manadge your affaires in theis miserable and distracted tymes. Mr Hopkinson is left only that knowes your busines, but is soe sicke and weake that he is not able to performe whatt he should endeavour. [Page 344] Those that live in the subordinate factoris have likewise bin sicke, but at present wee heare are well recovered, vizt., Mr [Nathaniel] Mountney at Amadavaz, Mr Rann [Ralph Rand] at Cambay, Mr [Thomas] Joyce at Broatch, Mr Witch [Nathaniel Wyche] at Brawdro [Baroda]. Captai?t James Slade, "=c , aboard the Mary [at Swall}'] to the Company {English Factories 1630 — 633, pp. 178—179). 12. 21 December 1631. After our departure from Batavia wee arrived att Suratt the 23th [13th O.S.] October last. And goinge ashore to a villadg called Swalley, wee sawe there manie people that perished of hunger ; and wheras hertofore there were in that towne 260 famillyes, ther was not remaininge alive above 10 or II famillyes. And as wee travelled from thence to the cytty of Suratt, manie dead bodyes laye uppon the hye way ; and where they dyed they must consume of themselves, beinge nobody that would buirey them. And when wee came into the cytty of Suratt, wee hardly could see anie livinge persons, where heretofore was thousands ; and ther is so great a stanch of dead persons that the sound people that came into the towne were with the smell infected, and att the corners of the streets the dead laye 20 togeather, one upon thother, nobody buir[y]ing them. The mortallyty in this towne is and hath bin so great that there have dyed above 30,000 people. The Englishe house and ours is as yf one came into the hospitall of Bata[via]. Ther is dead of the Englishe factors 10 or 11 persons, and of ours 3. Those that remaine alive of the Englishe are verey sorrowfull for the death of Mr Rastall, their President, who dyed about 20 dayes sythence. In these parts ther may not bee anie trade expected this three yeares. No man can goe in the streets but must resolve to give great almes or be in danger of being murthered, for the poore people cry with a loude voice : " Give us sustenance or kill us." The faire feilds hereabout are all drowned with great fluds and the fruits of the earth cleane washed away with these waters. The waters were so highe in the cytty, by reason of the fludds, that wee could passe from one house to the other butt by boats ; which was never knowne in the memorie of anie livinge man. A Dutch Factor at Surat to a member of the Dutch Council at Batavia {English Factories 1630 — 1633, pp. 180 — 181). [Page 345] 13. 18 February 1632. [John Hunter proceeding to Cambay is] already aware of the distracted state of the Company's affairs at Cambay, famine and mortality having deprived them of many of their workmen and also of divers merchants to whom they had advanced money for goods for Bantam, Sumatra, and Persia. Many of the latter have fled to places of more plentie, others are dead with ther whole kindred, and others again are im- poverished in their estates. To add one misery to another, Ralph Rand, the factor there, is dead, while the broker, Chowte [Chhota] has come down to Surat without permission to be present at the death of his brother Gourdas [Gur Das].... Directions from the President and Council at Surat to John Hunter {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 208). 14. 8 May 1632. The famine increassing in India was followed with the pestilence, bothe which destroyed infinite nombers of people. At last it pleased God to send raine, butt in soe great aboundance that it drowned and carryed awaie all the corne and other graine, etc., whiche that afflicted people had made hard shifte to sowe, and made such inundations as hath nott been knowne or heard off in those partes. Soe that by theise meanes the townes and countryes of Guzeratt are almost desolate and depopulated. Amidst these heavy afflictions itt pleased God to take awaie divers of your worthy and well deserving servants, amongst whome your President, Mr Thomas Rastell, with two of his Council, 77s., Mr James Bickford and Mr Arthur Suffeild — From Persia wee heare bad newes alsoe, as that you may expect noe more then neere 400 bales of silke from thence this yeare Divers of your servants likewise there lately deceassed, and the silke wormes perrished. John Skibbow arid John Banghani, aboard the Great James at Mauritius, to the Company {English Factories., 1630 — -1633, p. 218). 15- 23 January 1633. Mesulapatam and Armagon was sorely opprest with famine, the liveinge eating up the dead, and men durst scarsly travell in the countrey for feare they should be kild and eaten. Mr [Henry] Sill intended to releeve no place but Armagon. The poore people there, as weavers, painters and dyers, would have all fleed but for expectacion thereof and of other junckes which shuld com in company with that of Mr Sills [Page 346] and under its proteccion. Christopher Read at Surat to the Company {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, P- 268). 16. 15 March 1633. Had there not beene a generall drowth throughout this country [Persia] almost this three yeares, your order for the provesion of graine might have hkewise beene ob- served; but (espetially this last yeare) such want of foode hath been amongst these poore people that it hath come verie little short of the dearth there with you. William Gibson, 6-r., aboard the Mary at Gombroon, to the President and Council at Stiraf {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 290). 17. In Suratte was extraordinarie groote dierte soodat menichte van menschen en vee van honger sturven, si jnde de miserie aldaer soo groot, dat de moeders tegens natuer haere kinderkens wt hongersnoot op gegeten hebben. Dagh Register, August 1 63 1, p. 33. 18. The death of the Sultana [Taj Mahal, in July 1631J was followed by public calamities of various kinds. The war in the Decan produced nothing but the desolation of that country. An extraordinary drought, which burnt up all vegetables, dried up the rivers, and rent the very ground, occasioned a dreadful famine. The Imperial camp could not be supplied with pro- visions : distress prevailed over the whole face of the empire. Shaw Jehan remitted the taxes in many of the provinces, to the amount of three millions sterling; he even opened the treasury for the relief of the poor ; but money could not purchase bread : a prodigious mortality ensued ; disease followed close on the heels of famine, and death ravaged every corner of India. The scarcity of provisions prevailed in Persia : the famine raged with still greater violence in the Western Tartary. No rain had fallen for seven years in that country. Populous and flourishing pro- vinces were converted into solitudes and deserts ; and a few, who escaped the general calamity, wandered through depopulated cities alone. (Translated from the Shah Jahan Nama.) Dow, History of Hindosta?i, in. 141 — 142. 19. Famine in the Dakhan and Gujarat. During the past year [1629 — 1630] no rain had fallen in the territories of the Balaghat, and the drought had been especially severe about Daulatabad. In the present year also [Page 347] there had been a deficiency in the bordering countries, and a total want in the Dakhan and Gujarat. The inhabitants of these two countries were reduced to the direst extremity. Life was offered for a loaf, but none would buy ; rank was to be sold for a cake, but none cared for it ; the everbounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for food ; and the feet which had always trodden the way of contentment walked about only in search of sustenance. For a long time dog's flesh was sold for goat's flesh, and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour and sold. When this was discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitution at length reached such a pitch that men began to devour each other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love. The numbers of the dying caused obstructions in the roads, and every man whose dire sufferings did not terminate in death and who retained the power to move wandered off to the towns and villages of other countries. Those lands which had been famous for their fertility and plenty now retained no trace of productiveness. ...The Emperor in his gracious kindness and bounty directed the officials of Burhanpur, Ahmadabad, and the country of Surat, to estabHsh soup kitchens, or almshouses, such as are called langar in the language of Hindustan, for the benefit of the poor and destitute. Every day sufficient soup and bread was prepared to satisfy the wants of the hungry. It was further ordered that so long as His Majesty remained at Burhan- pur 5000 rupees should be distributed among the deserving poor every Monday, that day being distinguished above all others as the day of the Emperor's accession to the throne. Thus, on twenty Mondays one lac of rupees was given away in charity. Ahmadabad had suffered more severely than any other place, and so His Majesty ordered the officials to distribute 50,000 rupees among the famine-stricken people. Want of grain and dearness of grain had caused great distress in many other countries. So under the direction of the wise and generous Emperor taxes amounting to nearly seventy lacs of rupees were remitted by the revenue officers — a sum amounting to nearly eighty kj-ojs of dams, and amounting to one eleventh part of the whole revenue. When such remissions were made from the exchequer, it may be conceived how great were the reductions made by the nobles who held Jdgirs and mafisabs. (Translated from the Bddshah-ATdma, I. 362.) Elliott, Hist, of India, vii. 24 — 25.

[Page 348]

Appendix B Results of the Famine of 1630 — 1632.

20. 31 January 1634. At present the Portuguese forces are not much to be feared, by reason of their poverty and a great mortality which has befallen them in Goa and other parts since the beginning of the famine. Capt. Richai-d Allnutt, aboard the Palsgrave to the Company [Efiglish Factories, 1634 — 1636, p. 8). 21. 29 December 1634. As regards a fresh supply [of calicoes] we can send you none, not onely because wee have no meanes (although that cause is impulsive enough) but because none of any sort can be had in any proportion for any reason.... They [Thomas Thimbleby and Joseph Keeling] write from thence [Broach] their feares that they shall not finish it, because that more then two corge [score] of baftaes in a day are not brought unto the bazar, although that they are at this tyme the onely buyers ; if 20 corge a weeke, they conceive it a great weekes worke ; but at no better rates then the last yeare afforded. The reasons of this are as follows. First, the scarcity and con- sequently the deareness of cotton wooU, which we conceive doth cheifely arise from the great price which all sorts of graine hath yeilded for some forepast yeares, which hath undoubtedly dis- posed of the country people to those courses which hath bene most profitable for them, and so discontinued the planting of cotton, which could not have bene vented in proporcion of former tymes, because the artificiers and mechaniques of all sorts were so miserably dead or fledd from all parts of the kingdome of Guzeratt; which is the second cause that hath occasioned this great stand in the callico trade, and cannot be so restored in its pristine estate as that we may hope to see it in it's former lustre for many yeares to come (we conceive for five yeares at least). Yet the plenty of this present yeare diffused generally through all the vast parts of this kingdome, occasioned by the seasonable raines which have falne universally, in a more fruitfull proporcion upwards into the countrey then hereabouts Suratt, which is somewhat a hotter clymate and requires therefore more abundantly the latter rayne, doth summon downe againe those fugitives which famine forced from their owne habitations ; and we are eyewitnesses of a much greater concourse of people frequenting the cities. The villages fill but slowly, yet it betters with them also ; and if the excessive tiranny and covetuousness of the governors of all sorts would [Page 349] give the poore people leave but to lift up their heads in one yeares vacancye from oppression, they would be enabled to keepe cattle about them, and so to advance the plenty which the earth produceth that all things would be much more abundant, and there would be no want but of tyme to make the children capable to exercise the functions of their fathers, whereunto the custome of this countrey doth necessarily oblige them. Presidetit Meth- zvold, CT'C, at Swally to the Company {English Factories, 1634 — 1636, pp. 64—65). 22. 29 April 1636. I find not any moneyes paid in other species then the same they were borrowed, without allowance of vatteau [battd, exchange], which in tyme of fam.ine and scarcity in this place was growne to excessive rates, not less then 13I m\_ahniudis\ per 100 rup[ee]s. The reason is that mahmndls are none of the Kings coyne, but coyned by the Rajah of Mallore [Mulher], a place distant from hence 70 course or myles, and are onely currant in these adjacent countries not further then Bodera [Baroda] ; so that, according to mens occasions for rup[ee]s to send for Agra, Amadavad, or any other parts, the vatteau doth rise and fall. But that which raised it to the prementioned rate in tyme of f[amine] was the Benjares [BanjarasJ or carriers, whicl) brought corne and provisions [in] abundance from other parts, which they sould here for ma- mood[ies and] changed them for rup[ee]s at any rate. The merchants also of Suratt sent what money they could possible get to Brampore to procure graine ; so that scarcely a rupe could bee found. Since that time the vatteau has daily declined and is now only one mamoodie per 100 rupees. Francis Breton at Siirat to the Company {E?iglish Factories, 1634 — 1636, pp. 224 — 225). 23. There is no Province in all the Indies more Fertile than Gusuratta, nor any that affords more Fruits and provisions, which grow in such abundance there, that all the neighbouring Provinces are thence suppli'd. 'Tis true indeed, that in the year 1630, the great drought, and the year following, the continual rains reduced it to so deplorable a condition, that the particular accompt might be given thereof would deprive the Reader of the diversion, which it is our design to find him in this Relation. But the Province hath since that time well recover'd it self of that desolation, yet not so as but the marks of it may be seen every where. Mandelslo, p. 22.

This is a selection from the original text

Keywords

beasts, departure, famine, food, grain, poor, suffering, sustenance, trade, travel

Source text

Title: The Travels of Peter Mundy, Vol-II

Author: Peter Mundy

Editor(s): Lt.-Col. Sir Richard Carnac Temple

Publisher: The Haklyut Society

Publication date: 1913

Original compiled c.1628-1667

Place of publication: Cambridge

Provenance/location: This text was transcribed from images available at Internet Archive: http://archive.org. Original compiled c.1628-1667

Digital edition

Original author(s): Peter Mundy

Original editor(s): Lt.-Col. sir Richard Carnac Temple

Language: English

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Texts collected by: Ayesha Mukherjee, Amlan Das Gupta, Azarmi Dukht Safavi

Texts transcribed by: Muhammad Irshad Alam, Bonisha Bhattacharya, Arshdeep Singh Brar, Muhammad Ehteshamuddin, Kahkashan Khalil, Sarbajit Mitra

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Genre: India > non-fiction prose > travel narratives and reports

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