The Voyage of Thomas Best to the East Indies, 1612-14

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Introductory notes

Captain Best’s voyage is the tenth voyage in the early history of the East India Company. His biographical history seems vague. Although his residence in Stepney suggests that he may have been born there, his date and place of birth appears to be unknown. Best first went to sea around 1583, and eventually worked his way to the position of a master. The London Port Books at the Public Record Office show Best as master of the Mermaid, which returned in 1599 from a voyage to Barbary. In view of the fact that neither Best nor any of his principal .assistants had had any previous experience of a voyage to the East, it had been arranged that the Dragon and Hosiallder should sail in company with two other vessels (the James and the Solomon) which were bound for Bantam. The master of the James was John Davis of Limehouse, who had already voyaged to the East Indies four times, and he was now to act as pilot of the whole fleet as far as the Cape. Suggested readings: HAKLUYT, RICIIARD. The Princi'pall Navigations. 12 vols. Glasgow, 1903-5. JoURDAIN, JoHN. The Joumal of. Edited by Sir William Foster. Hakluyt Society, 1905.


Nay, looking into other old log-books, I discern, in the Far East too, a notable germination [...]England herself has a traffic there, a continually increasing traffic [...] At Surat and elsewhere, certain poor English Factories are rising- in spite of 'the Portugals of Goa' [...] Shah Abbas, Jehangire, Great Mogul, and fabulous-real potentates of the uttermost parts of the Earth are dimly disclosed to us; Night's ancient curtain being now drawn aside CARLYLE, Hist. Sketches, p. 90 LONDON PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY 1934



[The Voyage of Captain Best]
[Page 1]

2. THE JOURNAL of CAPTAIN THOMAS BEST A JORNALL of the Tenth Voyage intended to the East India, sett out by the Right Worshipfull Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, the Governour, and the Companie of the Merchauntts trading those partes.In which voyage were ymployed two shippes, viz. the Dragon and the Hoseander, accompanied with the James and Salomon (but those for other Voyagesx); and in them to the number of 380 persons or there- abouts.Written by me, Thomas Best, cheiffe comaunder thereof (though thereof most unworthy). Which voyage, With each particuler thereof, the Lord in mercy prosper, even for Jesus Christes sake. February 1611 [1612]. IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN.

1. The first of February we sett saile from Gravesend, and anckored in Tylbury Hope. 3. I departed Tilbury Hope, and anckored about the east end of the Whiteaker [Page 2] 4. We weighed and came at night into the Downes. 10. We did set saile, with a faire winde [...] 16. Having invited Captain Towerson~ aboarde to dynner, and takinge their leave in the afternoone, I havinge in purpose to have given them three peeces, and givinge fire to the first, it brake, and killed Richard Greene and greevously hurt John Jackson and James Boswell. 20. At night John Jackson died; he havinge received his deaths wounde by the peece that brake. 21. We all weighed. I and theJames came out at St. Helens. The Salomon at first bare upp for Hurst. The Hoseander plyed for St. Helens, but the leeward tyde came before she could get about; [so she] bare upp for Hurst to come out at the Needles, and came to us about 4 in the afternoone. But the Salomon anckored in Yarmouth roade (as Mr. Petty toulde us), for what cause I knowe not. Some 16 or 20 saile of shippes came out at the Needells, and she only stayed behinde. All this night little winde [...][Page 3] 27. S. by W.; legues 25. Then our maine yarde broke, 12 foote from the tye short of it; then shewing to be a humlock tree, very drie and even rotten. At this tyme the wether very faire and the sea smooth ; which sheweth the badnes of the tree, the want of care in Mr. Burrell and of honestie or skill in Chanlar [...]Marche [...] [Page 6] 27. S.; legues 28. Latitude observed, 19'' 30'. Longitude from Mayo, I'' 18 E. The winde E. by N. This day we sawe an iland. The 28 in the morninge came close by it. The latitude of it 20'' 30', and longitude from the meridian of Mayo 1" 50' east. We did not land upon it, but came within 2 or 3 miles of it. I take it there is hardly anckoringe to be founde. There may be [Page 7] some refreshinge on it. Wood there is, and there may be water, for on the souther parte of it there is a faire plaine plott, and it was very greene. We could not finde grounde, cominge within two or three miles of it. From this iland, E.N.E. some 7 or 8 legues, lyeth another iland ; and from the first iland, E. by S. or E.S.E., there lye two or three high white rockes, some 4 or 5 legues of[f] ; but we came not neare neyther the second iland nor the rockes [...] June [...] [Page 10] 4. From 6 [on the 3rd] to 6 the 4th in the morninge, N.E.; 8 legues. From 6 to 9 in the forenoone E. by N.; legues 5. Then at 9 a clocke sawe the land, some 3 or 4 miles from us, N.N.E. and N.E., but coulde not make it; the weather foule and very thicke, with fogge and raine [...]The storme continuinge, at night layed it a trye with a maine course [i.e. main-sail]. This night the James and we lost the company of the Hoseander and Salomon. 5. At 8 in the morning Mr. Davis bore up, the winde at W.N.W., and steared S.E. and S.E. by E. some 3 or 4 legues, [Page 11] and we followed him; with which course put ourselves to lee- ward of Saldania , att one of the clocke havinge made the land, the Table, the Sugarloafe Hill etc.; the Sugarloafe Hill bearing of[f] us N.E. by N., the Table halfe a point more easterly. We then kept our loofe, but to[ o] late. At 3 laide it of[f] againe. The winde increased at N.W., and proved a greate storme. At 9 Mr. Davis tonke in his foresaile, but we continued both courses all night for the ease of our shippe, for she made very fowle wether the night before, like to roule our mastes overboarde. And so lost also the James; ourselves nowe alone [...] [Page 12] 28. In the morning very timely I sent my pynnace and the Hozeanders long boate to towe the Salomon of[ f). When the boates came to her, both master and company [were] in bedd. In fine, at 10 or 11 a clocke they weyed and came a little way of[f], and then againe anckored. At I afternoone the winde came to the N.N.E.,with some rayne. I presently weyed, and the Hoseander. Mr. Petty and Mr. Warde aboarde of me; I hastened them away. We were about the point before she sett saile. In fine she did sett saile, but coulde not weather the point. They layed it about, and we came to sea at night. A fresh winde at N. and N.N.W. We bore little saile all night, in hope to have scene her the next morninge, but coulde not. Greate fault in Mr. Petty; but it is his common faulte to dreame and to forslowe tyme. Thus the 28 came to sea, having stayed in Saldania 21 dayes, and bought for the three shippes 39 beeves [i.e. oxen] and 115 sheepe with a little brasse which we cut out of two or three oulde kettles. The sheepe we bought for smalle pecccs of thynne brasse, worthe some peny or three halfpence apeece; the beifes with the brasse cut of[ f] kettles, to the valewe of 12d. for a beife. It is a place of greate refreshinge; for, besides your beefe and mutton, there is greate plenty of good fishe, and fowle of many sorts, greate store of fatt deare (but we could kill none), very excellent rivers of freshe water, and a helthfull and good aire. [Page 13] I landed 80 or 90 sicke men, and lodged them in tents 18 dayes; and they all recovered their healthes (only one that died) [...]29. At midnight the Cape of Good Hope was N.N.E., of[f] some 4 or 5 legues. Winde at N.N.W. At 12 at noone Cape de Augulias was N.E., distant some 4 or 5 legues. Winde at W. The distance betweene the Cape of Good Hope and Cape de Augulies is some 25 or 26 Leagues, and lyeth E.S.E. and W.N.W. A faire boulde coaste, free of danger, faire shouldinge (as they write that have had experience). [Page 14] Note that from the 7th of June till the day of our departure from Saldania (it being the 28 of June) we had nothing but faire weather, the sunne very warme, and the aire very sweet and helthfull, etc [...][Page 16] 15. N.N.E.; legues 7. Latitude, 35° 30', and longitude from the Cape, 13° 33' E. From 12 to 6 the winde at S.W. and southerly; the rest calme. This day I called a counsell to determine whether to keepe our olde maine yarde, or to make a newe of our two maine topmastes. To this meetinge I called both masters, all their mates, the cape merchants, the master carpenters and their mates, the boatson and his mates, the gonner and his mates, the 4 quartermasters and all their mates. All which assembled, after much dispute and many objections, it was concluded for the better to make a newe yarde, and with the oulde to fiche our maine maste; which concluded, was presently in action [...] [Page 19] 4. At 6 in the morning we were faire aboarde the S.S.E. end of Mal Ilha, and haling in with the land to have founde some place to anchor in, when we were some 8 or 9 mile from the shoare, we sawe the grounde under the shippe, but not lesse then 8 or 10 fathome water. The Hozeander being two miles within us, she findinge not lesse then 4 or 5; but her boate was in 3 fathome. Then we sent of[f] both our pynnaces, which kept shoaldinge on a bancke in 8 and 10 and 12 fadom, and being from the bancke halfe a cables length, no grounde in 100 fathome. At the north end of this Mal Ilha there is a faire bigge iland, high land, and may be some 4 or 6 miles about, and from this little iland to the maine land of Mal Ilha may be some 8 or 9 miles, full of rockes, two of them of good height. Nowe the bancke or ledge of rockes (for so it is) lyeth all along the west side of Mal Ilha, and con- [Page 20] tinueth untill the little high iland before mentioned beare S.E. of you, and then it endeth. Here I had 16 fathome, faire white sand, fishinge grounde. And thus being at the N. end of this ledge, and the litle iland bearinge S.E., you may steare in with [the] land, keepinge the iland faire aboarde ; and within the rockes or broken grounde and Mal Ilha you shall see a bay wherein there is good anckoringe. The Dutche shipping hath bene there, 6 or 8 saile of them together; that yeare they were here, when they assaulted Mozambique (two of my men nowe in my shippe were then in the shippes). Nowe, to the eastward of you, as you come in from the bancke or ledge of rockes, you have likewise a greate shoald, and the offermost end of it lyeth from the litle iland N.E. or N.E. by E., but from the iland at least 5 or 6 miles, and no grownde betweene that we could finde in 40 or 50 fathom. In fine, all the north side of Mal Ilha is very dangerous; but the channell mentioned [is] without danger. For we stood in as farre as the Iitle iland, but, the winde being faire southerly, we could not leade it in; for I would have anchored in the bay, if I coulde have gott in. For a mile to the westward of the bay is a towne , the people good, and greate refreshinge, as beefe, goates, hennes, lemons, coker nuttes (of cyther greate store), and good water. The foresaide fieete of Fleminges in this place recovered the health of 4 or 500 men in 5 weekes. In those parts there is no place of greater refreshinge then this. Nowe the best way to come to this place is to come by the S.E. side of the iland, and not by the N. side (as I came). For if you come on the S.E. side of the iland, then you shall have a southerly winde. When you come at the easte end of the land, keepe the shoare aboarde, and come betweene Mal Ilha and the shoald which lyeth to the eastward of the little ilands [sic] ; the distance some two or three mile, as I understand [...][Page 21] This 24 houres our waie N.N.E.; legues 28. Longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, 23° 02', which is the longitude of the iland Malllha, and the lattitude of it is 12° 30' (the sotherparteof it in 12° 50'). This iland is well named Mal Ilha for it is the most dangerous of any place that ever I sawe; yet a place of greate refreshinge, and plenty of all thinges, and the people good (as I saied before). This iland is the next to Comora, on the southeast side of Comora, and is distant some 12 or 14 legues [...] [Page 24] September 1 [...]At 7 in the morning we cast about to the northward, and lay N.N.E. and had 9 and 10 fathom. And when the hills were E. and E. by S., then the greate high mountaine was S.E. by E., and then we had 12 and 13 fathom, and Daman E. by N., 3 legues of[f]. Noate that Daman 4 is a faire towne, walled, havinge in it a faire high steeple [i.e .. tower], the church whereof is called St. Paulo ; also a faire castell and forte , both to the northward of St. Paul. The weather faire, it will [Page 25] (both the walls of the towne and castell and the forte) shewe very white. To the southward of St. Paul is a high greate house, shewing like a longe barne, but is a cloyster. To this towne is a faire ryver , and they have diverse shippinge, such as this country yeildeth. And W.S.W. and W. of[f], you shall have 13 and 14 fathome, softe oaze. From Daman to Suratt is some 14 legues, and Gandifuy [Gandevi] neare midway betweene Suratt and Daman. The lattitude of Daman is 20° 30' (for so I made it, observinge 8 or 10 myle west from it), and longitude as per margent [...] I called a councell, and concluded to send the Hoseander [Page 26] away toward Suratt to gett me a pylott and to finde the channell ; and also to send Mr. Aldworth in her, with my master and 15 men with armes for her better defence, yf shee mett with the frigetts of the Spaniards. And if she went to the barre of Suratt and there by intelligence understood our factorie setled and all well, the river cleare of men of warre, then Mr. Aldworthe to goe to the towne, with Thomas Kerridge, William Nicholls, Thomas Davis, John Younge, and one Indian. At one in the afternoone she sett saile and departed. 3. At 7 in the morning we comaunded 2 boates of the country, by shootinge 4 peeces to them, to come aboarde of us. And they tould us that the towre or church and castell and towne which wee sawe (and no we did beare of[f] us S.E. by S.) was the towne of Daman [...][Page 27] 5. A boate of Suratt came aboarde of us, with Jaddow the broker (which had served Captain Hawkins 3 yeare and Sir Henry Middleton the time of his beinge here), and the Customers brother, and 3 or 4 other; all which continued with us till the 7th. And then, at 4 in the afternoone, came to anchor at the barre of Suratt; and presently sent the broker, with all the Indians, Edward Christen, Thomas Kerridge, the steward, and Thomas Davis aland in our pinnace to goe to Suratt; but the boate to goe only within the barre, and in the morning to returne [...][Page 28] 12. The Cheife of the Castles sent me a present, vizt. 20 sheepe, 23 hens, 100 lofes of bread, 2 pottes conserves, 2 bottes butter, 20 cheese, a kintall rice, a kintall meale, a basket lemmons, a baskett radishe, a baskett onions, 20 mellons, a baskett plantins, 100 suger canes. In requitall retourned him a faire peece of plate, a faire peece [i.e. gun], a sworde blade, 2 faire knives; and to his servants that came with it, some 34 or 36s. in rialls [...]20. The purser [Christian] came aboarde with provision; and the same day retorned agayne [...][Page 29] 22. It was determined by counsell that wee shoulde send a poste to Agra to the Kinge, to signifye of our aryvall and to require his answere certeyne, whether hee would permitt us trade and to settle a factorye; otherwise to departe his country. Also it was determined that wee shoulde land goods, vizt. 20 tons iron, 20 tonnes lead, 20 balls [i.e. bales] cloth, 10 cwt. quicksilver, teethe 50 or 6o, one pott vermillion, 1 chest peeces (qt. [i.e. containing] 15). This done, the merchants went on land agayne, to dispeede the poste and to send barks for goods. 24. There came a Guzaratt into the roade from Mocha, who brought letters from Sir Henry Middleton, Captaine Sayres, [and] Captaine Sharpie, to signifie the honestie of the Mallim and to intreate all the Kings subjects not to molest nor trouble him and to shewe all kindnes to him. The like [letter] myselfe hath given to him. 27. Our merchants sent me 4 peeces tymber. And in the afternoone there came a barke to an anckore by us, laden with tymber, bounde for Cambay. Out of her I tooke 7 peeces, and gave them my note to be paide at the pleasure of the Governor of Suratt [...] 30. There came a shippe of Suratt to the barr from Mocha. This morninge I hard of the takeinge of Mr. Canninge, the purser [i.e. Edward Christian], and William Chambers; where- [Page 30] uppon I caused the Gazaratt shippe to ancker fast by me, thereby to stay her till I might see and here howe all stood aland. Also a barke of rice wee stayed, being informed that it belonged to the Portingalls of Bassare , and from Bassare she came. In fine I tooke out of her 12 or 14 kintalls rice, and gave them 13d. for it [...]October 3. I sent the Hoseander to Sually (and sent the Moccadam a present [of] 3 yeardes redd cloth and a peece, for deliveringe to us the relacion of Sir Henry Middleton), partly for water, partly to the steward, who there attended her comminge. This day I received letters from Mr. Canninge and Ned Christian. 4. I landed some 200 men out of the Guzaratt shipp. 6. Medy Joffer came aboarde, accompanied with 4 cheife men and many others. He brought me a greate present, vizt. 20 sheepe and goats, 5 cwt. rice, 2 cwt. meale, lemmons, plantins, sugar canes and onions store. I retorned him for present 5 yards of stammell [i.e. scarlet] cloth, a faire gylt cupp, a peece, a bottle of rose solis , and a faire knife; and to the other foure cheife [men) 4 peeces. He came to intreate of trade and release of the shippe which I held [...] [Page 34] 24. The cafila of frigetts came in sight of us, some 240 saile. I had thought they had come to fight with us; but they were the fleete of merchantmen bounde for Cambaya. And every yeare there cometh the like fleete (all Portingalls) from the south coste, Goa, Chaule, etc., to goe to Cambay; and from thence they bringe the greatest parte of the lading which the caricks and gallions carieth for Spayne ; by which may appeare the greate trade that the Portingalls hath in theis parts. [...][Page 38] December [...] 15. In the morninge departed Madafeldebar to goe to Mova [sic], only to discover the bay, because some that were there in the Ascension reported it to bee a good place to winter in. At 4 in the afternoone wee anckored in the bay of Moha ; havinge founde the coaste and channell very good; depth 10 fadom, no danger but what you see. I sent our pynnace one land, where presently wee had 20 good sheepe, at 3s. per sheepe (the best wee have had this voyadge ) [...] [Page 39] 21. I landed, and had much conferrence with the Govemour of the Campe. He much desired that I woulde land 2 peeces of ordinaunce; makinge many and greate promises of favoure to our nation. But I refused, etc. Hee presented me with a horse and furniture and 2 Agra girdells, and I presented him [with] a veste of stamell [i.e. scarlet cloth], 2 peeces [i.e. guns], 2 bottles aquavitae [i.e. brandy], and a knife [...] [Page 41] 21. In the aftemoone wee weare faire aboarde Dabull. And here [we] were aboarde 3 junckes, all of Callicutt, laden with coakers [i.e. coco-nuts] [...][Page 42] 25. Wee romaged our price [i.e. prize], findinge nothinge but rice and coarse sugar, of which wee stored ourselves; and tooke out both her masts and what firinge wee coulde, and at night suncke her; takeinge out of her all the people, 20 or 25, all Mores. 26. Wee mette with a littell boate of the Maldivar, laden with cokers, bound for Canoniere; into which I putt all the people of the prise, only 8 which I kept for labor, one of them a pilott for this coaste. At 12 were thwarte of Canoniere. Lattitude 11°. 27. [We] were shotte a litle past Callecutt and were thwarte of Pannayre. At noone, lattitude 10° 30'. 28. In the morning sawe Cochine, which maketh itselfe by the towres and castell, and in lattitude 9° 40' or thereabouts. Note that from Goa to Co[c]hine wee never had above 20 fadom, beinge sometymes 4 or 5 legues from land; and beinge 3, 4, 6 miles of[f], 10, 12 fadom, etc. From lattitude 11° 30' to Cochine very lowe land by the watersyde, but in the country all alonge high land. Noate that shorte of Cochine 4 or 5 leagues you shall see a high land in the country, somewhat like a table, but roundinge alofte; and to the northward of this rounde hill, high longe hills or mountaines. All this day ranne within 6 or 8 mile of the land, in 9, 10, 12 fadom [...][Page 43] 30. Wee anckored in 18 fadom, some 26 legues shorte of the Cape, against a little villaidge; and presently 6 or 8 cannoes came aboarde, and brought us all provisions, water, hennes, cokers, etc. The name of this place is Beringar; the kings name Travancar. 31. All day the people came to us with hennes, etc. February 1. The people came with provisions; and the Kinge sent a messenger to mee, to knowe whether I woulde trade with him; which if I woulde, he offred to lade my shippes with peper and synamon [...] 5. In the morning sett saile, beinge faire aboarde Cape Comorine. And here mett with a fresh gaile of winde at E. by N., which splitt our foretopsaile and maine bonnett. Yet a cano with 8 men came aboarde of me 3 or 4 legues from land. In the afternoone came another cano. Here wee were troubled with calmes and greate heate. Many of our men taken sicke; myselfe one of them [...] I3. Wee sett sayle from Beringam. Note that this place gives good refreshing, with plenty of water, and the people harmelesse and not freinds with the Portingall. From this place to the Cape all the poore people that dwell by the watersyde are Christians, [Page 44] and have a Portugall frier or preist that dwelleth amongst them [...]14. In the morning I sett saile (winde at E.) and plyed to windward. Wee have a Iittell current to the southward. Note that the coaste of Malebar, even from Daman to Cape Comorine, is free of daunger, and faire shoaldinge on all the coaste from Cochine to the Cape, more neale (16, 18, 20 fadom) faire by the land, and 5 or 6 legues of[f] no grounde after you come within 25 or 30 legues of the Cape. The variation at Daman is 16° 30'; and halfe way to the Cape it is 15° or thereabout, and here at the Cape it is 14°, and hath lattitude N. 7° 30'. In the afternoone ran of[f] open of the Cape, and founde much winde at E.S.E.; which gave me smale hope of goeinge to the eastwarde till the end of the monsoone, which wilbe the fine [i.e. end] of Aprill or thereabouts (as the Indians reporte). So bore up and anckored 4 or 5 legues within the Cape, in 20 fadom, faire by the 2 rocks. Right of[f] from theis two rocks lyeth a sunken rocke, which is very dangerous, and is some 2 miles without the foresaide two rocks. If you come within 20 fadom, you shalbe in danger of them; but safe and free of danger is not to come within 24 or 25 fadom [...] [Page 46] 9. The winde at east. This morning wee sawe a shippe, some 3 or 4 legues in the winde of us. At 10 spake with her, shee beinge a shippe of Cochine, come from Bengala laden with rice and taken by the Greene Lyon of Holland 2 dayes before; with whome the Hoseander spake the same day. At night I anckored. The Hoseander some 4 or 5 mile to leeward of me, but shee anckored not. The next morninge wee could not see her [...] 12. Wee stood in with the land, and anckored in 24 fadom. [Page 47] Winde at S.E. and S. I sent my boats on land, 4 legues to the N. of Cape de Gallo; and after some staye a woman came to talke with an Indian that went out of the boate. Shee toulde him that wee shoulde there have no provisions, but saide shee woulde goe and tell the men what wee desired. Aterward 2 men came to my Indian, and toulde him that we shoulde not have any thinge there, for that our nation had some tyme taken a boate of theirs; but it was the Fleminges, and not our nation. The people freindes to the Portugale, and some of them Christians, as our folke thought. Some of them apparrelled after the Portugall fashion; and had a crosse upon the shoare. Greate store of people there was seene. So that hereafter lett no man hope to have any refreshinge upon this parte of Selone, even from Columbo to the Cape de Gallo. You may anckor, all the coaste alongst, within 3 or 4 miles of the land, betweene 30 and 20 fadom; but in some places you have foule grounde [...] 15. In the morninge, winde at north-west. Wee bare upp to proceede on our voyage, hopeinge the east monsoone is done. But presently wee sawe a shippe westward of us; to whome wee gave chase, and at 4 aclocke spake with him, beinge the Greene Lyon of Amsterdam, whose captaine was Jacob Matheusbus, her master Nicolas Warboutson, and her pylott Nicolas Jacob [...] [Page 50] This night wee had store of raine and thunder. Betweene these 2 ilands wee spente the night [...] 12. In the morninge store of raine; the winds vari[a]ble. At 12 came to anchor in the roade of Achine in 12 fadom; but you may ride in 10 or 8 fadom. Your best roade is to the eastward of the castell and rivers mouth. The west land of the maine will beare nearest west of us [...][Page 51] 15. The Kinge came, and sente his chope to me for my [Page 52] landinge; brought by an euenuche and 6 or 8 more, and also the Zabandar. To them wee gave 120 mam[udis]. Withem [i.e. with them] the same day landed ; and 2 howres after my landinge the Kinge sent me a present in victualls, I havinge presently [i.e. immediately] upon my landinge sente the Kinge 2 peeces [i.e. muskets] ; for the costome is at landinge to presente the Kinge with some small thinge and he requiteth it by severall dishes of meate. 17. The Kinge havinge sente an ellyphant, with a basen of goulde for the Kings letters, I roade to the courte, accompanyed with 40 men (all admitted into the Kings presence). And after many complements, the Kinge retourned the letter unto [me] for to reade it; and so the substance of it was delivered unto him in his owne language. The contence pleased him very well. It [i.e. Yet] skarsly landed, and the day well spent, the Kinge toulde me he would nowe shewe me some of his pleasures, and caused the ellephants to fight before us. And after 6 of them had fought, then he caused 4 bufloes to fight before him; which made a very excellent and feirce fight. There fearcenes such that hardly 60 or 80 men coulde parte them, fast[ en ]ing roapes to theare hinder legs to drawe them asunder. And after them some 10 or 12 rammes, which likewise made very greate fight; and so continued till it was darke, that wee coulde not see longer. The Kinge presented me with a bankett of the least 400 dishes, with such plenty of hott drincks as might have suffized a druncken armye. Betweene 9 and 10 he gave me leave to departe; sendinge me 2 elliphants to carry me hoame. But I roade not on them, they havinge no keverings on them [...] [Page 53] 19. The imbassadore of Syam came to visitt me, tellinge me of the 3 Englishmen that came to the Kinge of Syam and of there greate enterteynemente and joye of theare Kinge to receive a letter from the King of England; and that it was some 30 moneths since. They also toulde me howe joyefull there Kinge woulde be, if our shippinge came to his coastes ; tellinge me what greate quantities of cloth of Portugall (which is English cloth) woulde sell in theare countryes. The coullers most in request stammell and redds, with some other, as yellowes and other pleasinge light coullers, as at Surrat. They also toulde me that there Kinge had made a conquest over the whoale country of Pegu, and so is nowe the greatest kinge of this orientall parte, exceptinge the Kinge of Chyna; and hath under him 26 kings, and in the warrs is able to make 6ooo elliphants. There coyne all silver; there goulde lesse esteemed then the vallewe thereof. In there country is greate store of peper and raw silke. And saith that the Doutch hath there factoryes (whome they call English) at Patania, which is an exellent pourte; the entrance 12, 14 fathome. Likewise Syam is a good pourte, and is neerer unto the Kings courte then Patania. Those that do goe to the citty of the Kinge alwayes come to this pourte of Syam, and so from this pourte of Syam to the Kings courte is some 20 dayes jorney by lande. I moved the embassador for his letter to the Kinge (which hee promised me); and also for his letter to the governors of pourts, in favoure of our nation, when wee shoulde come upon those coasts. And lastly, changed coynes with him, givinge [Page 54] of our English coyne and receavinge the Kings coyne of Syam [...] [Page 55] 30. Two embassadors of Syam dyned with me; passinge our tyme with many complements and discourses of their country. May 1. I enterteyned the Doutch broker, Peter. 2. The Kinge invighted me to his founteyne to swime, and [I] was with him; it beinge some 5 or 6 miles from the citty. And sent me 2 elliphants to carry me and my provision. And havinge washed and bathed ourselves in the water, the Kinge presented us with an exceedinge greate bankett, with two much rack ; all to be eaten and druncke as wee sett in the water; all his nobles and greate captaynes beinge presente. Our bankett continued from one of the clocke till towards 5, at which tyme the Kinge released me; and halfe an howre after all strangers, and presently after followed himselfe [...][Page 59] 13. In the morninge sett sayle. And comminge nere the greate westermost iland [i.e. Pulo Bras], open of the nothermost gutt in the same ile wee founde faire shoaldinge, 20 fadom, deane grounde, sand, a good byrth [i.e. distance] from the lande. This depth, with cleare grownde, contynued almost to the end of the iland; so that on the east syde of this iland there is verry good anckoringe; and on the iland greate store of wood [...] [Page 63] 6. Lattitude, 50' S. Then was the norther of the 3 ilands of Priaman [...] [Page 64] On both sydes of theis ilands you have good shoaldinge, and no danger but what you see; but in the offinge full of danger. Manie breaches we saw; but with good lookeinge out they may be avoided by day, for they do all shewe themselves, either by the breach of the sea or the risinge of the sea upon the shoaulds; or if it be very smoothe water, then the collour of the sea will shewe the shoalds. They are all very neall to. This eveninge the Hoseander came and anckored by us [...][Page 65] 12. The Hoseander departed. And we went in within the northermost iland and rode in 4 fadom water; and on the barre, comminge in,31/2. Wee rode closse aboarde the iland, and the neere to the ile the more water; and all towarde the maine very faire shoaldinge. Wee ridd in ozey, and so is it all so faire as the depth goeth. The deepest water to goe in or out is on the west syde of the ilands; but wee went in on the east syde of all the ilands [...] [Page 68] [...] 5. I ended with the Governour and people touchinge a newe custome which they demaunded, viz. a riall of eight upon every 3 bahares of peper; of which, after much adoe, I gott dismissed; yet to give a presente to the Governour for the Kinge, and to the other Governour, under the title of ankeredge, 6 taile (which is 77 dollours), I yeilded to pay. 6. I waighed 6o bahars of peper, but coulde not bringe any aboarde (there was so much winde) [...][Page 70] [...] 1 November. In the morninge, some 4 or 5 leagues from the maine, we sawe the lowe land, full of trees, and also the second ile of Nimtaine, some 8 or 9 leagues of[f]. This 24 howres wee made some 13 or 14 leagues, S.E. by S. Northerlie, litle winde, and calme. Lattitude, 2° 30'. The currante hath helped us [...] [Page 73] [...] 17. Received 316 baggs peper. Received baggs 2216 of Priaman peper this day. Received also our Bantam peper, 400 baggs. 18. I wente unto the Kinge; and laded 1000 baggs peper [...] 1 December. I tooke in 500 sacks peper. This day Richard Nuallo and John Totten departed aboarde the Darlinge. 2. I tooke in 150 sacks peper. This [day] here arrived 2 Dutch shipps; one of them from Holland, called the Newe Seilon, the other from Siam [...][Page 74] [...] 16. This day greate store of raine. Little winde, but drove out with the currante. In the afternoone the winde at north-east. This day John Whittorne dyed [...]18. John Giles died, beinge one of the Trades company. In the mominge the S. Salt Hill was N.N.E. from us, 9 or 10 leagues. Nowe were wee faire aboarde the westermost of the Java ilands; which is a faire land, and lyeth W.S.W. and E.N.E. some 6 or 7 leagues long. This night much raine. The winde variable. All this day calme. In the eveninge the winde came at S.W., and so all night faire weather [...] [Page 82] [...] 24. N.N.W. 1/2 W., till 9, 10 1/2 leagues. Then West till 6 in the morninge, 12 leagues. Then sawe wee Saintte Helena, from us W.N.W., some 8 or 9 leagues of[f]. Soe I finde the attitude of it to be 16°. So also wee observed at noone, and [it] hath longitude from the meridian of the Cape of Good Hope, 22°. At [Page 83] 3 a clocke anchored in the roade, right against the chappell. In comminge for the roade by the east syde of the iland, you must keepe close aboarde the lands [sic]. There is noe danger but what you see. [We had] 8 or ro fadome a shippes length from the shore, and as I came in wee had 30 and 28 fadome very faire by the land. If you shoulde not keepe very close aboarde the land, then shoulde you not hall into the roade to gett grounde, it is so neall too; and the winde, before you come to the chappell, wilbe right of[f] from the land. Heere is good refreshinge; but it houlds no comparison with the bay of Saldania. For this iland is a meere rocke, consisting only of mountaines, with smalle valleys betweene them, in which the goats and boares do finde pasture. And in theis vallyes is there freshe water, which commeth from springs in the high lands; which freshe water is sildome or never cleare, but thicke as puddell, by reason of the often rayninge, for there is hardly a day in which it rayneth not 4 or 5 tymes. And to fill your water, and boate it, asketh greate laboure; for your boate cannott come to the shoare, so greate is the sooffe [i.e. surf] continually, but all our caske must be halled of[f] to the boate with roapes. And for sicke men here is noe pleasure; no plaines to walke in, but to clime upp the mountaines. Heere are figgs, greate store, and of goats and hoggs as many as you will. With ease you shall kill them, eyther with your peeces or inclosinge them with men and soe to cetch them. But to bringe them to the boate is a laboure beyond measure; for you must cary them 7 or 8 miles over the tops of hye mountaines, then downe into the valleys, then up. You have also heere store of faire partriges and good fishe, which you may cetch on shoare by the rocke sydes. This breefely I have discribed this ilandof Stt. Helena. The roade good; your depth, 20, 25,30 and 40 fadom, all clene grounde. [Page 84] In the chappell I founde a letter, which the gennerall of 2 carricks the laste yeare lefte heere ; wherein hee discoursed of his fight with three Flemmish shipps and one Englishe shippe. And beinge bourded by the 3 Flemmish shippes, after 4 or 5 howres fight, the viz-admirall of the Dutch fired [i.e. caught fire] with his owne powder; the Portingalls ascribinge the cause to a shott out of the carricke, which lighted in there powder. At which accident the Dutch, discomfited, the viz-admirall suncke, the rest departed the roade; it seemeth with hast, for they did not attempt to save the men of the shippe on fire, for (as the gennerall writeth) they weare allmost all drowned. Only they saved 4 of them, only (as himselfe writeth) to testifie unto there kinge that the assault was given by the Hollanders and themselves defenders. 3 of the 4 men saved weare Dutch; the other was the pylott of the Englishe shippe; which I take to be Raphe Wilson, pilott of the Saloman, for shee kept company with the Dutch and left the company of the Hector and Thomas . Wee sawe the shippe suncke, for the heade of his mainetopmaste was 2 or 3 foote above the water. I was myselfe by it, and sawe it, with the crostrees and roapes on it. Thus weare the Dutch with much dishonnour repulsed and beaten out of the roade. Theis 2 carricks [Page 85] in my outward passage I mett withall upon the coast of Stt. Laurence; and so curteous was the admirall that hee saluted me with a peece, which I requited with the like. Shee was the goodliest shippe that ever I sawe; a tire of ordenance beseeminge the wall of a castle. Therefore the Dutch weare ill advised to deale with her. In my tyme heere I sente my boates to the westwarde, to finde a shorter way to the lemmon trees and to bring downe goats, hogs, etc. with more ease; for from the chappell to the lemon trees is a most wicked way, and even a dayes worke to goe and come. In fine, in seekeinge they founde, some 3 or 4 mile to the southwestward, a faire valley, which leadeth directly up to the lemon trees . It is the greatest and fairest valley from the chapple, and eyther the next or the next save one from the S.W. pointe from the chapple. Heere in this valley there is better water, and more cleare, then at the chapple. The roade all one for grounde and depth. Here of[f] this valley it is much better beinge then at the chapple, both for gettinge of all provisions and for watteringe. It is from the chapple some 3 or 4 miles, and is from the chapple the 4th valley or swampe [see p. 62], and from the pointe to the westward of it the second. So that you cannott misse of it. It is heere much better ridinge then at any other place on the iland. From this place you may go up to the lemon trees and downe agayne in 3 howres. Heere wee gott some 30 hoggs and piggs, and some 1200 or 1400 lemons. In 8 or 10 dayes a man may heere gett 200 hogs and many goats, lyinge on land of purpose to kill them. The variation heere, 7° 30' [...] [Page 91] [...] 4. From this last soundinge wee rann N.E., 15leagues. Then at 5 in the morninge wee sounded, and had 52 fadom, faire brandy sand, fisheinge grownde. And at 9 of the clocke this morninge wee sawe the Lyzard north from us, some 4 or 5 leagues of[f]. And nowe longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, 27° 20', and two degrees carried by the currente. So that the difference of longitude betweene the Cape of Good Hope and the Lyzard is 29° 20', or very neere thereabouts. Note that this day three moneths at night I did sett saile in the roade of Saldania. The Lord of heaven and earth be blessed and praysed for ever. Yet notwithstandinge our shorte passage, havinge bene from Stt. Hellena but 2 moneths and 9 dayes, the one halfe or more of our company are laide upp of the scurbute [i.e. scurvy], and two dead of it. Yet plenty of all victualls, viz. breade, wine, beefe, rice, oyle, venigar, sugar; and all these even without allowance. Note that all our men that are sicke have taken there sickenes since wee fell with Flowers and Corve; for since that [Page 92] tyme wee have had it very coulde, especially in two greate stormes that wee have had, thone with the winde at N. and N.N.E., the other with the winde at S.W. From the Cape to the ilands [of] Flowers and Corve I had not one man sicke. The varriation, 4 or 5 leagues of[f] the Starte, is 9° 30', litle more or lesse [...]

[Page 93]

3. THE STANDISH-CROFT JOURNAL A JOURN ALL of the Tenth East Indea Vaige, maid by the Worrshipfull Mr. Thomas Best, Generall of the Dragon and Hossiander, haveinge parted with the James and Sallomon at the Cape de Bona Essperannca: our feight maid with the Portingailles at Surat for trade there: and the rest of our procceedinges, as per the sequell will more att large appeare. ANNO DOMINE 1611 (1612]. Written by me, Raphe Standige, chirurgeon, being sick of an ague EMANUELL

3 Februarie. By the grace of God we sett saille from Gravsseend, and we ankered in Tilberey Hopp. 4 Februarie. We sailled from Tilberey, and ankered in the Downnes [...] [Page 94] 27 Februarie. This day, by the extremittie of wether, we lost sight and company of the Dragon, James, and Sallomon, being upon the coast of Spayne [...] [Page 98] 28 Aprill. We discovered an illeland in the sea, being a rocck that yiellded nothing butt greatt store of fowlle, as greatt as a raven, that came and satt in the bootts [i.e. boats] and upon our mens shoulders; butt they weere so ranee [i.e. rank] as we could [Page 99] nott eatt them. This illand was unknowne to Mr. Daves or to any of our marieners, for by them yt was never seene before. They named yt S. Trenidade [...] 30 Maie. This daie we had extreame fowlle wether, being by the observacion of our masters mattes aboutt 100 leagues or therupon from the Cape de Bona Essperannca; where we found extreame cold, as sometymes in England [...] 4June. We had sight of the land of Cape de Bona Essperannca; all our fleett in company. And the storme still connttynue[n]g, the wether being hazie and foggie, and drawing towards night, we brought our tacks aboard and stod yt of[f] to the sea. This night, by extremittie of wether, we were separatted ; for we lost the sight of theDragon and the James, and kept company with the Sallomon, for that she did nott overbeare us, for we were verie hardlie able to maynetteyne a ccople [i.e. couple] of coursses [...] [Page 100] 6 and 7th of this instantt. The Sallomons company and we had bene ashoare, butt could nott trad with the salvashes [i.e. savages], for that they would nott sell ther sheepp and oxen for iron, butt for brasse. So they gave us eyther shipp a lamme for a presentt. And thus we contented ourselves to taike the pleassure of the shoare; where we had exccellcntt good watter and many good and sweett herbbes, wheerof we maid salletts [i.e. salads]. Heere was grasse [in] aboundannce, and heerbes which gave unto us many sweett and pleasant smells. This land of Cape de Bona Essperannca is within the region and goverment of Prester John ; the connttrey being firttillc ground and pleasantt, and a connttrey verie temperatt; butt the people bruitt and savadg, withoutt religion, without languag, without lawes or goverment, without manners or humanittie, and last of all withoutt apparell, for they go naked, save onelie a ppeec[ e] of a sheepes skyn to cover ther members, that [in] my opinion yt is greatt pittie that such creattures as they bee should enjoy so sweett a connttrey. Ther persons are preporcionable; butt ther faces like an appe or babownne, with fiatt nosses; and thcr heads and faces both beastlie and fillthye to behould, for want of cleanlienesse. They were aboutt ther neeccks the intralls of sheepp, and doth eatte the pudinges [i.e. entrails] skines with raw sewett [i.e. fat] and rawe blod; and divers other thingcs they eatt, which is most beastlie to behold. 8 June. The Dragon came into the herber of Salldania; which when we see, we were nott a little glad. She had endured towe daies of extreme fowle wether att sea, and had lost the James, thinking that she had gott aboutt the Cape and stood for St. [Page 101] Augustyne. The Dragon had many of hir men sick and layme of the skurvy, to the number of 90 or 100 men. She had hardlie as many sound men as was able to bring hir into the herber. 10 June. The Generall caussed a tent to be builded with as much expedicion as might be possible, and brought ashoare all his sick men, both of skurvy and other desseasses. And the steward brought brasse ashoare to barter with the salvashes for vittuall. Both oxen and sheepp they sould him. For a peecc[e] of ould brasse, a foott broad, we had an oxe which in England, being fatt, would yield 6ll. stterlinge; and for a pece of brasse, a finger longe and so much broad, we had a sheeppe, greatt of bone butt verie thin of flesh, shaped like a gre[y]hound, save onelie the eares longe. The oxen is nott much unlike our English oxen, butt that they are more shortt of haire. Of thes we bought greatt store, and likewisse of sheppe, to reffreshe our men. And with fresh salletts, fresh aire, fresh watter many of our men recovered ther healthes agayne and became strange. 17 June. Rychard Ryding, one of our boattsons mattes, died; haveing lyen a long tyme sick of a consumption. His corppes was buried ashoare att the Cape. 18 June. This day we sentt in the Dragons skiffe 6 of our men to go with ther men to Penquin llland, which illand was distantt from our shippes aboutt 11/2 league, to see ther for fresh vittuall, as sheepp and suchlike; for thither our Englishmen have in tymes past caried sheepp from the mayne and have putt them upon that illand. For if they be never so leane, in a monnth or six weeks tyme they wilbe verie fatt ther; for yt is a shortt, sweetter grasse then the mayne. Butt our men found no sheepp ther butt onelie towe, of which they could butt catch one; and that was worth 4 of the other sheepp in the meane, that had as much meatt upon the taille as of one of the quartters. Upon this illand be many sealles, [which] comes out of the sea, and aboundance of greatt snakes lying upon the ground against the sune, Allso a number of fowlles called penquins, from whence the illand hath yt[ s] name. Thes fowlles cannott flie. They are as bigge as a raven, butt of divers callers, both black and whitt, [Page 102] parttie collered. Of thes you may lood a shippe, and taik them upp with your hands; butt they stink so strong of fish, and doth smell so rance [rank], that our people could nott eatt them. Our boatt brought of them; butt yt was more to see them then to eatt them [...]23 June. In this land of Prester John thcr was scene by our men lyons and monkeyes, babownns a multi[tu]d, with divers other strange beastes, as antilops, and many other deformed [i.e. unshapely] creattures, verie strange to be sene [...] 13 July. We strayned our foremast, haveing veric fowlle [Page 103] wether. Yett our carpenters fished yt and wulld yt and maid yt verie stronge agayne; being aboutt 180 leagues to the southward of the Cape . Aboutt which tyme the Dragon sprunge hir manemast; whereupon one of hir carpenters tooke such a conseitt that he was sudenlie stricken with death, and maid a most misserable and deseparatt end; which might have beene an example to many of our wicked people we had of our vaige [...][Page 104] 31 August. The Generall came abord our shipp, and tould our master he had sounded the night before and found from 40 to 15 fadam watter. This morning the sea was changed whitt from greene and withall verie mudy; which was a greatt sigene [sign] we should be neere the land. Allso manye snakes came swymeing by our shipps side; which is a certteyne signe the land is neere [...] 04 Septtember. We had sight of the Dragon comeinge after us, for that they had taken outt of a frigott 2 pillotts to carie her to the barr of Suratt. This day we mayned our pinis with 1/2 a dosscn small shott and wentt abord a frigott and gott a pillott; butt left a pawne for him, which was one of our carpentters, whose name [Page 105] was William Finsh. Butt this man we never see moore, as per the sequell will appeare [...] with fresh vittualle, and brought a lletter from our people att Suratt, the effecctt wherof was they had receeved verie kind enttertaynementt by the Governer and chiefe of Suratt, and that they had furthered them to buy all kynd of provissions the place would afford, as bread, ricce, onions, sewger, butter, cheesse, lemons, and other fruitt; of which the Generall sentt us our preporcion, according to the number of our people. 11 Septtember. A frigott came abord the Dragon, laden with [Page 106] ricce and other provissions, of which we had a share; and likewisse of garvanncces we had a partt. 12 Septtember. Our master sentt his long boatt to help to toow a frigott abord the Dragon, loaden with tymber bought att Suratt [...] 13 September. Many gallantts and chieff of Suratt came abord the Dragon .The Governer of the Castle, being chieff, brought our Generall a presentt, vidz. aboutt 15 sheepp, 200 kinttalls of ricce, 20 hens, spicced cakes, and soft bread, with divers other dayntties. Of this presentt we recceved partt. Our Generall did requitt the Governer with a faire peecce of platt [i.e. silver]. Our Generall beinge encouraged by thes cavelleroes for trad, sentt Mr. Alldsworth and Mr. Cancing (both the cape merchantts) ashoare with thes gentlemen, and divers others of our English for ther attendantts and asistantts in bussines [...][Page 107] 16 Septtember. Both our boatts, att low watter upon the barr, filld fresh watter. 17 Septtember. Both our botts wentt a fishing, butt catched nothinge. 18 Septtember. Our Generall came abord, and called all our men, to see if any discontent weer amongst them. Butt none would speake att that tyme, all though before they had murmered and said the Dragon had more fresh vittualles then they for ther preporcion. And becausse the frigotts was in the river and stoppt the passag of our vittuall from Suratt, therfore the Generall gave our master order to maik reedy his ship to go to a place called Sualley, where Sir Henrie Midletton long tyme rood with his shippes and furnished himselff both with watter and vittuall, for thatt within a day or towe [we] should goe thitther with our shipp. Watter Staccie apoynetted for the Dragon. We shott att a cconntrey boatt, which escaped verie narowlie of beinge sunke. She strok saille, and our master, with our pinis, wentt abord hir and took a pillott to carie us into the rood of Sualley. This day a Portting[all] frigott came within shott of us. Our gonner maid or 8 or 9 shott att hir, butt never came neere hir; they with drawen swords florishing upon the poup or sterne, nott careing for us 2 pins, butt stoad to the barr in a bravado [...]20 Septtember. This day our master, merchantts, and most of our company went abord the Dragon to heare a sermon and to receve the saccramentt (those that was prepared for yt). Being abord, ther came a boatt from Suratt with 2 of our English and provission of vittualle, of which, after sermon, we had a share. They brought a letter to our Generall from the Greate Magole, sealled up in cloth of gould; and allso reportted much of ther kind enttertaynementt by the Guzuratts, [and] how kindlie they had offered them trad [...] [Page 108] 23 Septtember. 2 barks was sentt from Suratt abord the Dragon to load goods, vidz. cloth, lead, iron, quicksillver, and suchlike comoditties; from our shipp 1 pott vermillion. Thes 2 barks was loaden this night, and 2 English sent in the barks [...] [Page 109] 26 Septtember. Our boatts wentt both within the river to fill fresh watter. This day our master came from Suratt, and brought newes that Sir Henrie Midleton had taken some Gurzuratts in the Read Sea [...]30 Septtember. In the morneinge our Generall had newes from Suratt, by a frigott sent purposselie by the Englishmen, thatt thre of our people or merchantts was taken by the Porttingailles in a connttrey boatt comeinge abord the Dragon, by verttue of a lletter they had recceved from the Generall to come abord in all haist-Mr. Paull Caneing, Edward Christian (pursser of the Dragon), and William Chamers (a musition); upon which newes our Generall caussed us to wey and to fettch upp the Guzurat shipp upon the Dragons broadside. Which we did, and tooke the captayne and 10 or 12 of the chieffest merchants and caried [them] abord theDragon. Wherupon our General wrott a lletter to the Governer and chieff of Suratt that, [Page 110] if they would permitt our English to transportt ther goods abord agayne and themsellves in saiftie, then ther shipp should be relleassed, or otherwisse he would keep the shipp and goods. She had in hir above 300 people, passengers and saillers [...][Page 111] 05 [6] Occttober. [The] stteward came downe from Suratt, becausse of his language, to provid fresh watter. For thatt yt was an English mille from shoare, the people brought yt downne to the seasid in potts and filld the cask ther, to the quanttittie of 7 tonnes; with other provissions, both for the Dragon and for us, as sheepp, sopp, candles conserves, grene ginger, and suchlike [...]08 Occttober. We wentt to Sualley agayne, to sett tow of our merchauntts ashoare. The Porttingals, being in our way with ther frigotts, weyed and rune away. We stood after them awhille, butt they roowed from us. Haveing sett the merchantts ashoare, they rettourned us abord 2 sheepp and other fresh vittualles [...] 10 Occttober. [The] Dragon, we, and the Guzuratt shipp wentt all to Sualley. Our shipp ankered closse by the shoare, within the barr; butt the Dragon and the other shipp, withoutt. [Our] boatt went ashoare with both purssers, to buy fresh vittuall, and this night rettourned agayne. 11 Occttober. We had from Sualley sheepp, goatts milk, and other fresh provissions, both for the Dragon and for us [...] [Page 112] 13 Occttober. Our Generall likewisse wentt ashoare, in manner as afforessaid, and pittched 2 tentts, one for himselff and his attendantts, and another for his souldiers, for that the wether was verie hott. This day we did spend in marching upp and downne. Att night the Generall came abord of our shipp to lie (wher he laid till he had perfecctted his bussines with the Governer and the chief of Suratt), and 40 of his souldiers. 14 Occttober. Our Generall wentt nott ashoare, butt sentt the souldiers to keepp wattch. This day yt was such an exttreame gust that yt blew downne both our tentts over our heads. The Guzuratt capttayne staid ashoare this night, and took chark [charge] of the tentts after they were sett upp agayne [...] [Page 116] 05 November. The Generall had one off his men rune away to Zuratt. [He] countterfeitted his masters hand to the merchants for 30 doll[ ars]. The steward was sentt post after him, and took him beffore he had receved the 30 doll[ars] [...] He had long punishmentt in the bilbowes [...] 10 November. Our Gencrall sent ffor our boattsson and others of our men, which he duckt for swimeinge ashoare of the Saboath daie and drinkinge drunk with houres [i.e. whores]. The boattsson lost his place, and Ricchard Barker [was] maid boatt- son, and Perfey taiken into the Dragon. This daie the Generall punished many of his ownne men for dicce and cardes [...]12 November. The Generall came abord of us and sse the choice off some cloth maid by the Indians. Affterwardcs [he] [Page 117] went ashoare, devided the souldiors, and we had a skrimidge. The countrey people lefft ther wares and shopes to come and looke att us. Some brok ther swordes; some cutt ther fingers; some hurtt in one place, some in another; but no great harme. Capttayne Hermon with his souldiers staid ashoare this night and sett up ther tenttes againe. 13 November. Certaine Indians came abord to buy cloth, and paid ther money, accordinge to the quantitie of cloth they bought [...] 21 November. The merchantts att Suratt sentt our masters boy back againe to the shipes. They found him amongst the Moores, with Moores aparell. The causse was the steallinge off a sillver cupe of the cape merchants [i.e. Canning]. His master tyed his handes to the shipe side, and whiptt him till blood came [...] [Page 118] [...]This night came from Suratt 16 balls of callicoes [...]24. Thies daie the merchantts wentt all to Suratt, haveinge concluded by a courtt to send home theHossiander for England. The Generall wentt ashoare with the merchantts, and did accompany them 3 or 4 mille of ther waie to Suratt. Afterwards the Generall went abord, with the captayne of the Guzuratt shipp, who brought him a present of goatts and came to buy some cloth. [...]The frigotts was gone for Cambaia. Of this newes the counttrcy people were nott a litle glad, becausse they might more securelie keepe ther goodes ashore. This daie came from Zuratt with the Sahendor a captaine to procure the Generalls passe for the Read Sea, for that [if] he should channce to meett with any English shipes, the passe might certiffie them we had concluded peace and established a factorie at Suratt. The Generall verie willingelie graunt[ed] yt him; for which the captane retourned him many thankes, and sso partted. 26 November. Yt pleassed God off His mercie to taik awaie Thomas Pois, one off our quarttermasters, by longe contynuance of a flix [i.e. dysentery]. His bodic [was] buried at shipesydde in Sualley roode. The Dragons baiker came abord, to teach our steward to baik sofft bread. [...][Page 122] 30 November. This daie (being St. Andrewes Daie) we weied earlie in the morneing, keepinge the wynd of them, [and] bore right with them. The Dragon, being ahead, steered with the ammerall and gave hir such a breakfast as Nuno de Cuno litle expecctted, and sent him such tokens as maid the shipes sid crack wheere he was. All of them this morneinge more or lesse hard from the Dragon. We weere nott farr from hir, to second hir in the best manner we could. We sent them tokens to lett them tast of our curttesey. We came so neere that we never shott butt prevailled, being amongst them, where they all did shott att us. We had a hott conflictt this morneinge, butt no harme recceved (the Lords name be praissed). For the spacce of 3 or 4 houres our feight endured. We stood of[f] intto the chennell for deeper wattcr, [and] ankered in 7 fadom wattcr, aboutt a league from the enemie. They spoilled us some tacklinge, butt no more harme as yett. Att afternone, with [the] flod we weid. And the Dragon weid likewisse, and wentt up with thre of them; where she plaid hir partt couragiouslie all this afternone. One beinge from the rest a good distance and (as we did think) was aground, we came upp close upon hir steerbord sid, within 1/2 a stons cast and lesse of hir. With this shipp we spentt all this afternone in feight. We [Page 123] made 100 greatt shott this day-langrill , round, and crossebar -besides our small shott. They maid many shott att us, butt shott many over. We lost our boattson [Richard Barker in margin] this day, slayne by a greatt shott upon the forecasle. Our tackleing and sailles turne [i.e. torn], butt no more harme this day (the Lords name be praissed). Our boattson had one of his armes taiken away, with other towe mortall wounds, one in his bodie, the other in the other arme. I did my best endevour to give him cumportt [i.e. comfort]; butt being broken clene in sunder (the wound in his body more daungerous) ther was butt small hop of his liffe. So that yt pleassed God to call him within 2 houres he had recceved his hurtts. Our master and cape merchantt, after the feight was ended, went abord the Dragon to see our Generall, and to know if all ther men were well. The Generall tould them that all his company was well, except one man slayne right outt with a shott in his bodie, wherupon he died instantly. Another with the same shott lost one of his armes. This was all the harme the Dragon recceved this daie, saveing his tackleing and sailles something torne. This night, in the begineing of the first watch, our men espied a frigott verie neere the shipp, which had rune ttoo and agayne dyvers tymes aboutt our shipp. The watch gave our master nottice of hir, and she being verie neare, our master caussed the guner to maik a shott att hir [...][Page 124] 7 December. We putt in with the bay of Semeer. Went ashoare with armes and gott fresh vittualle. Thes people are the Porttingailles neighbours. 8 December. We both weid, and stood alongst the coast towards a place called Madoffrabaud , about 12 leagues from Dua to the southwards [Page 125] 9 December. We ankered in the mouuth of the river, in 8 faddum watter. Our boatts sounded the barr, and found 3 fadum att flod. Heere we filled watter, and gott fresh vittualle. The people verie poore, but verie willing to lett us have anything the place would afourd. This Mudoffrabaud hath bene a greatt huge cittie, butt much ruinated and decayed; the walls overgrowne with wood. Yt hath a good ryver for small shippes. The Mallabars and Porttingailles sometymes with ther frigotts putt intto this river, and then the people and the inhabitantts therof doth flie away upp into the counttrey, for that they have bene many tymes ransacked and robbed by them, which is the reasons that maiks them so poore; butt verie harmeles people to them that offereth unto them no violence. 10 December. We with the Hossiander wentt to the ills of Mortt[see p.37], to sound them, but found no place worth nottice, butt full of roccks and shoolds. We retourned to the Dragon agayne [and] shewed the Generall of our procceedings. 11 December. We had both fresh vittualle and watter from Mudoffrabaud [...] [Page 126] 14 December. The Generall comaunded most of our men to come abord the Dragon, and sent for all the people ashoare with haist to repaire abord [...] After our Generall had ended his speech concerning our retourncing for Suratt, both our shippes companyes joyned to- [Page 127] gether in sewtt unto our Generall in the behalff of his 4 prisoners which the Governer had taken and brought him; butt he seamed loth to graunt them any favour att all butt what the lawe would doe, and for Perfey he meantt absolutlie to hange him, for an example to all the rest of his men, to rune away att such a tyme and to so a basse a people as the Porttingaille, and utterlie deffame himself and banish himself from his native counttrey and his wiffe and chilld, and to be so trecherous to rune to them to feight against us. Yett nottwithstandinge all this, both the companyes was so importtune, and did so earnestlie entreatt for them, that att last he was content to give liberttie unto thre of them, if we would be conttentt to lett him hange William Perffey, the chieff ringleader, who could never answeer the factt without his life [...] 15 December. This morneing we weyed and stood towards Mea, allias Mocha; and ther we ankered in the mouth of the bay, in 7 fadum watter. Both the masters weott to sound the bay, butt found yt verie shoold, and fitt for no shippinge. In this placce we gott fresh vittuall, both muttons, goatts, and watter [...] [Page 128] The Magolle had besieged this place with 7000 horsse and foott, and laid sieg to yt 2 monnth, butt could nott prevaille, for they wantted ordinance. They had 4 peecces, wherof one was a canon ; yett could nott batter ther walles. The generall of the army hard of our being att Mocha, and sent a letter unto our Generall to send him one of his chieffest officers, for that he greattlie desired to conffer with some of our people. We wentt ashoare to by vittuall, butt could gett none, and so retourned abourd agayne. 16 December. TheDragons skiffe wentt ashoare, wherin wentt Mr. Caneinge and Mr. Oliver, with other merchantts, to see this place, which was aboutt a league within the land; where we see the walls and religues of a gallant cittie, which of laitt yeares was surprized by the Greatt Mogolle. Att night [we] retourned abord agayne, all verie wearie with journeyinge from Mocha [...] [Page 130] 19 December. Rettourned Mr. Caneing and Mr. Oliver from the army, with ther enterpretter the Indian. They had bene verie curtteouslie entertayned, and so much they gave the Generall to understand: that from the Governer of the army they had many salutacions; who much desired to see his person, in respecctt of the peace he concluded and agreed upon with his frend the Governer of Amedebar, which he hoped should continew unto the worlds end, for the comonwealthes sake of both our counttres ; and that the causse wheerfore he sent unto us was for the love he had unto our Generall and our countrey, and the worthy reportt he had of our nattion, for that the English was allwaies a people famous over all the world in martiall exploitts [...] [Page 131] The Generall further tould Mr. Caneinge that what comoditties eyther that partt of the counttrey or Amedevar or Cambay or any other place would afford, he would be a meanes we should have yt, the prise reasonable, and reedy conveyaunce to our shippes withoutt intterrupttion, for he hoped that our peace should continew unto the worlds end with much love and amitty; and that they had suffered a basse people to crcepp into the chietfest portts and to inhabitt ther kingdome, with whom he understood we had of laitt bene in feight with 4 of ther best shippes and had done them greatt spoille to ther shippes and men; for that a gentleman being then present had laittlie beene at Daman when thatt the Porttingaille frigotts brought ashoare ther to he buried all ther maymed, slayne, and hurtt to be cured, if yt weere possible, to the number of 80 or 90 men [...][Page 132] 21 December. In the morneinge the Governer of the army sent 4 of his chiefest gentlemen abord the Dragon, to be ther as pledges till our Generall retourned abord againe. Our Generall landed, with 40 men attendantts. [The]Dragon shott 7 peecces, [the] Hosseander 3 peecces. The Governer of the army sent a dossen or 20 horsse to the seaside to recceve our Generall and his followers, and with trumpetts sounding repaired into the [Page 133] campe amongst the trenshes, where the Governer of the army had his tentts; where he was with great curtesey enttertayned, wher many carpetts and rich clothes weere spreed upon the ground to sitt upon, as the manner of the counttrey is. The Governer of the army tould him he did much desire to see him: that the countrey was his, eyther for trad or wherin he pleassed to use them. Thus itteratting of his former proffessed kindnesses, att length tould our Generall his desire was that he would bring ashoare 4 or 2 of his best peecces and help him to maik a breach in the castle walles, and his souldiers should entter; butt for what goods should be found within the castle shoulde be att our Generalls disposseinge. Our Generall retourned His Lordshipp many thanks for his kindnesse; butt for to land any of his ordinance he could nott, for yt was contrarie to his comission; butt in anything wherin he might pleasure him he should comaund him and his men in any servicce. Our Generall tould him he did nott like his plattfforme where he had plantted his ordinance, and did advise him to allter it, and one of his men should stay ashoare with his guner for to direcctt them. The Governer retourned our Generall thanks, and apointted men for allteringe of the plattfformes, to be by the English direccted. Our Generall tooke leave for a whille, and wentt to see the castle, round about the walls, and after took horsse and rood over a great hill into a valley where the campe was, a mille distuntt from the castle; where he was by the Govcrners apointtment riallie cntertayncd into his tent and all his followers tent richlic spred with clothes (as afforessaid); where pressentlie was brought greatt sstore of vittualls, sett upon the ground, where our [Generall] called all his chieffest attendantts to sett downne and eatt. Our drink was fresh watter, both could and sweett; many Moores tending upon us. The Gencrall, haveing dyned, caussed all the rest to sett downne, for ther was no wantt of vittuall. Our Generall was presented with a faire horsse and a skarffe; the merchantts, precher, and chiefest officers presented with skarffes. After a whille he had repossed hirnsellfe, rewarded the offeccers for his entertaynement, took horsse, and rood back agayne to the Governers trench; wher in breif he tould him so much he would nott break the Kinges comission. And when they see they could [Page 134] not prevaill in ther sewtt with our Generall, they desisted. Our Generall would have begged the Capttains liffe of the castle, and his son and his daughter; which att last they grauntted. Our Generall desired yt under writtinge and sealle, butt they reffussed yt. Our Generall tould them that, if they would give him the castle and all the goods within yt, he would nott pley with them withoutt his licence or writing under his sealle. The daie being farr spentt, our Generall craved licencce to retorne abord ; haveing left them ashoare 2 smithes to help them to maik greatt shott, with other towe of our men for to direcctt them in the maiking of a new plattfforme. This [daie] a Porttingaille tould some of our people ashoare that the gallions was comeinge, and shewd them a letter from Dua to the same effecctt. The Generall did understand of yt, butt gave verie little creeditt unto such reportts; yett nottwithstanding comaunded both our shipps to be fitted for feight [...][Page 136] 24 December. This moreinge verie earlie with daie we weid and sett saille towards the enemie; we being in the wynd of them, and nott all together without the sight of the army. This morneing they weid too; and comeing upp with them, we did so lett yt flie att the vicce-admerall (the Dragon being with the ammerall) as we maid hir beare upp helme and go from us; and in the self-same fashion we served the admerall. The Dragon haveinge geven hir the first Bon jour, we gave hir the Besa los manos; but she unwilling to complementt any longer with us, didander per atras . Our men this daie did shew greatt vallour, everie man in his place. One of our men threw a ball of fire into ther admerall, that bussied them all to putt yt outt agayne ; and if they had nott scene yt when they did, yt had fired ther shipp. This day we tore them most cruellie. We see swiming by our shipp sid peecees of tymber, boards, and ould hatts and clothes. Ther sailles weere allmost torne from [the] yards, some of them, and ther tackleing cutt in peecces. Mr. Caneing did much encourage our men, and [was] verie redy himself to do what service he might. We spentt, thes 2 daies in feight, furth of our shipp 250 greatt shott. Our fight being ended and they corned to anker, all our company joyned together and maid a petetion to our Generall, [to] the effecctt that, wheras we had divers tymes bene in feight with thes four gallions, and had spent the greatest part off our provissions, as munition, shot, and powther, which was by the Worrshipful our masters apointed for the accomplishinge of our vaige : and [Page 137] for that our enemies were at home at ther owne doores, where they myght furnish themsellves with all such provissions as should be needfull for them, both with vittuall, men, and munition; and we being here far from home and from our ownne countrey, our provissions much spentt, that then we should be desolate and lefft naked and frustrait of all good hopes, and moreover subject to everie shipe that might assault us; therffore the effectt off our petetion is that we may undertaik some exploitt or entterprisse, wherby we maie spoille or burne some off ther shipes; which all our company is willinge to venture ther lives to performe, for our counttres sake, our masters proffitt whom we serve, and for the creditt and honor off yowe our Generall; or ells that we maie be gone furth of this counttrey whilst we have somethinge lefft to deffend oursellves withall against thosse who affterwardes might assault us. And thus the petetion ended. Our Generall, before he had recceved our petetion, had wrott a lletter unto our master and company, tending to the verie same effectt of the petetion, thatt, forasmuch as his shott and powther was greatt part of yt spentt, he meantt that night to put over to the rood off Sualley and leave them [i.e. the Portuguese]. I did verielie think they meantt to goe for Dua and ther rcpaire ther shippes and taik in fresh men. We did them great spoille in ther shippes, tackleing, sailles, and men. The Lord did mercieffullie defend us, under whose banner we did feight, seing whatt shotts we had recceved; but yt was the Lords glorie in preserveinge of us for His Gosepells sake and His truthes sake, that His light might shine amoungst us and His wounderfull blissings appeare unto us; nott for any goodnesse that was in us, butt for the miritts of Jesus Christ, whose name God grauntt may be glorified amongst us unto our lives end. Our Generall sent his skiffe to know if all our men was well, and tould us they had reccevcd no harme that daie, save onelic one man shott into the legge. Our master guner cast upe the expcnce off his stores this night. We had shott awaie 27 harrells off powther and 300 great shott (crosbar, langrill, and round); and delivered this account to our master to give unto the Generall [...] [Page 139] 28 December. The merchauntts retourned to Suratt, to send awaie the goods that was ther reedy, with as much expedicion as possible might bee. This daie we filld watter, and did protractt no tyme, least the enemie should persue us. Medejopher came from Suratt to see our Generall. [He] did seame to rejoce of our good forttune against the Porttingailles, [and] tould us we had killd verie many of ther men and done them greatt spoille in the first feight. Medejopher offered our Generall powther, shott,or whatt ells Suratt would affoorde. This day we filld 4 tonnes watter [...] [Page 149] [...]23 Jenuarie. Our Generall came abord us himselffe, and called our company together, and tould them that, forasmuch as they had ventured ther lyves and shewed themsellves so full of courage against the enemye, he did, in regard of that, suffer them to pellige thes junkes, that some small profitt might redound unto them in respectt of ther paines they had taken; and further tould them yt did much greve him to heare that his company and ours could nott agrey in pelliging, but to go together by the eares for pelige abord the prises, in the sight of the counttrey people, to ther great shame and infamye; for which causse he meant no more to molest or trouble any suchlike vessells; butt if yt did forttune we should meett with some shippes, then ther should be a better order taken for the conttentment of both shippes companies; for which purposse six of our chiefest officers, in the behallfe of our shipp, went abord the Dragon to agree and conclud upon some better orders then formerlie had bene taken for the sharing of such pellig as afterwards should or might be taken by eyther of us. 24 Jenuarie, Saboath Daie. We espied a Porttingaille shipp riding att anker about a lleague from shoare, and 20 leagues or therabouts to the southward of Goa. The Porttingailles and the chieff, seing us stand with them, imbarked themsellves, with all ther mones, jewells, and the best thinges they had, into a frigott and rune ashoare. [They] left abord the shipp the countter[y] master and aboutt 30 slaves and 2 women. They did nott resist, butt yiellded themsellves unto us, and tould us ther shipp was of Couchin and laden with ricce: that the Porttingailles was all [Page 150] gone ashoare. We found all ther chests openned and all things of any worth or vallue taken outt, save onelie some coursse sewger and dried sewger and ould aparrill. Thomas Hounsell was by the Generalls order apointted the master of hir. He had out of both shippes 30 English to staie with him. No man was admitted to go of[f] abord the price [i.e. prize] unsearched. The slaves were verie glad, for that therby they were like to be freed from much misserey. 5 brasse basses the Dragon had [...] 28 Jenuarie. Our master had bene abord the Dragon, where the Generall shewed him a Porttingaille letter which was found in a chest, written by a cavellero of Goa unto his frend att Couchin. The postscripttum was that Nuno de Guno had taken towe English shippes that was att Suratt, with 3 shippes of Goa [...][Page 151] [...]30 Jenuarie. We weere by estimacion about 30 leagues to the norwardes of Cape Comorin. We stood in with the shoare, and ankered att a place called Bringa. We rood a cables length of[ f] the shoare in 10 fadum watter. Heere ashoare was a llittle village, inhabited by fishermen. Thes people came abord of us in litle gundells, and brought us greatt store of provission abord, as hens, planttains, coccker, and fresh fish; and all thinges att a verie cheapp ratte. Heere we filld watter, and had yt brought unto us in potts by the counttrey people, as att Sualley. They people goth naked, save onelie so much cloth as will cover ther members. Yt is a verie fruittfull place. We had anything we needed, for money, as peper, synamond, sheep, goatts, wild fowlle. Nothinge was wanttinge unto us in this place [...] 4 Febbruarie. We weid and stood our coursse towards the Cape, haveinge bene heere 5 daies and well reffresht our companyes and sick men. As yett we have nott found in the Indes a place of better reffreshing then this hath bene [...] [Page 153] [...]26 Febbruarie. We doubled the Cape Comorin and stood our coursse for the iland of Seylon. We see fish heere in such aboundance as was wounderfull to behold ; and likewisse many snakes we see swiminge by our shippes side. Our men cruellie plagued with flies and muskettous, [that] they were nott able to take rest eyther night or daie [...]9 March. We had sight of both the shippes. [The] Dragon gave chasse to one, we to another. Butt when we came to maik ours, she proved a Flemeinge; and she the Dragon gave chasse to was hir prize, which the daie before she had taken, a small shipp comed from Bengalla and bound for Pegu. Hir ladeinge was most part rice. Being corned upp with the Flemeinge, we hailled him. [...][Page 154] [...] 12 March. We came into the company of the Dragon agayne. Our master and merchantt wentt abord to shew our Generall of what newes we had understood by the Flemeinge. Yt was generallie reported abord the Dragon we weere rune awaie, and much money both wonne and lost. Our Generall would nott belleve yt, nor give creditt unto anythinge was spoken to that effectt. We stood in with the shoare upon this coast of Seylon to seek for watter. We ankered in 17 fadum watter, maned our bootts with eyther 6 or 8 musketts, and sent them ashoare; butt the counttrey people, being frend to the Porttingailles, resisted our people and would nott suffer them to come ashoare. And so, seing no remedie, [they] retourned abord and lost ther labor. 13 March. We weid aboutt daielight, and stood of[f] to sea agayne. Yisternight our Generall was abord, examyncd some matters of contraversie, promissing punishement for the next, and tould the company of runeing awaie. 14 March. We wentt to sermon abord the Dragon. After [Page 155] dynner, stood in with the shoare within a cables length. We ankered, in hope of watter. The boatt was manned and sent ashoare with an Indean or tow to speak the language. Butt heere was no watter to be gott, nor the people to be spoken withall, for they rune awaie from our people. Our boott retourned. We weyed and stood of[f] agayne, without watter [...] 16 March. The capttain of the Flemeinge, the master, and other ther officers came abord the Dragon and dyned with the Generall. Wher they did att large discoursse of ther vaige and [the] fleett they come furth with, and wither they inttended to go; and tould our Generall of a veric good place for wattcr, [and promised] to keepp company 7 or 8 daies. The Generall gave the capttain a bast cable we had in the Porttingaille shipp. This daie we past Cape Galla, the wyndes begineing to change. [...][Page 156] [...] 13. This morneing our Generall, according to his promisse, sent one of our merchants, and tow or thre others to beare him company who had bene ther before, ashoare to the Sabendor, who promissed to conductt them to the Kings presence. They retourned agayne this night (butt verie laitt), and certified the Generall that the King was gone ahunttinge, butt one of his [Page 157] chiefest nobles did recceve them verie kindlie, and promissed trad or what the townne or counttrey would afford, and that the King greatlie desired to have commercce with our nation. [He] apointted us a housse. Our people was entertayned by the Fleminges at ther housse; of which the Generall aliso understood, and of ther bad carraidg ashoare heere. The King hath verie good ordinance of brasse, both about his pallace and in his castle [...] [Page 158] [...]18. This daie our Kinges letter was sent for by the King of Achin, with an ellofantt and a share [chair] of statt[e] in the forme of a casle [i.e. a howdah] upon his back. After wentt the Generall to the courtt, where he presented the Kinge with a rich present from our Kinge; and the King likewisse did give unto our Generall a vest, with Mr. Moore and Mr. Oliver. He entertayned us with the fightinge of ellofants, butfeloes, and greatt rames; and afterwards was provided a greatt banquett, with many dishes and greatt store of arack. The banquett was served in dishes of pure gold and sillver. [They] brought in towe chests of gould, which they do use to keep ther beettle in, [which] they use to eatt of verie much. Great curtesey by the King was offered, and that the countrey was att our comaund; butt our Generall as yett nott alltogether satisfied, for that he hopeth of furder commerce with the King, and att larg to deliver his mynd unto him [...]27. Our Generall went to the embassador of Sian ; with whom he did converse of such comoditties as in ther countrey were vendible, and likewisse of the quallittie of such comoditties as were ther to be rettourned for England. The embassador did afirme that the quantittie of 2000 clothes would vent ther in the spac[e] of 2 mounthes, with divers other comoditties highlie esteemed of. Rialls of eight to be worth ther 7ss. 6ds. the riall. Raw silk ther is greatt store and cheapp; and likewisse benjamyn [benzoin] better then thatt of Achin, and the weight grcatter, for that 4 bahars of Achin maiks but 3 att Sian. Callicoes of Suratt [Page 159] sells well there; black and read hatts, lookinge glasses, [and] birding peecces of the smallest sortt (being well damaskt ). All this the embassador for certayne did afirme unto our Generall, and offered to firme yt with the Kings sealle; seameing verie desirous to have comerce with the English. This daie he had a chilld circumcized , with greatt seremonyes after ther fashion. 29. This daie the Generall went to the courtt, butt could nott speake with His Majestie, for his nobles affirmed he was sick. 30. The embassador of Sian dyned with our Generall; butt sent his ownne cooks to dresse his vittualls, and brought his drink with him, being watter in greatt flagens of sillver. 1 Maie. The King went to recreatt himselfe, accompanyed with our Generall and the Dutch merchants; wher they went to a river, about 6 or 7 milles from the towne, the King riding upon an ellofantt, in a chaire of statt upon his back. They came to a place wher they washed themselves; the King sitting upon a seatt in the midst of the river, with our Generall and the Dutch merchants and all his nobles aboutt him in the watter, with aboundaunce of people that were spccctators on the shoare; his nephew poureing watter upon him as he satt, with a golden buckitt, for the space of 5 or 6 houres. Then afterwards they had a greatt banquett, with aboundaunce of vittuall and arack, dressed after ther maner. Haveing ended the banquett, they retourned to the Kinges pallace, with our English trumpetts sounding before them, and women playing and singing before the Kinge. And thus they came to the pallace, wher att that tyme our Generall took leave of His Majestie [...][Page 160] 15. The Generall upon a suden wentt abord, and took all provissions with him, and left ashoare about 20 men, and some of them sick, and apoynted Mr. Hermon captain. This night, before the Generall came downne, they [sic] Hossiander had weid, and came to anker fast by the Porttingaille junk, with the Dragons pinis [...] [Page 161] [...] 19. The Hossiander wentt to an illand, lycenccd by the King to cutt wood ; and had 2 Guzuratts for pillotts, with 12 of the Dragons men to help them. Upon which illand we found a great many people, with ther armcs and leegs cutt of[f] for offences: (which is the Kings lawe); haveing one chief apointted governor over them, in regard they should nott bee idle, butt be imploied in the Kings service for the maiking of brimston. And in the tyme of our wooding we found certayne spiders whose weebs weere perfecctt silk; the which our chirurgion hath one to showe. [Page 162] Heere our shipp had like to have rune upon the llee shoare. [She] brok hir anker; a sheatt anker was lett fall, butt would nott hould. Hall was chief abord att this tyme. The master and his matt, being ashoare, came abord with all expedicion, seing the shipp drive and in such danger, and likewisse myself, being with them att that tyme and verie sick of a fever. [They] hoissed ther foreyard and instantlie sett saill, and doubled the pointt or lee shoare. The people abord, being so amassed, knew nott whatt they did, but wrought the contrarie waie. Butt trewlie yt was no small danger the shipp then escaped; but yt was more Gods providence then our mens carefullnes. We gott aboutt 10 tonne of wood. [...]26. This daie came into the rood of Achin a junk of Suratt, [Page 163] which brought letters from our merchantts there unto our Generall; by which letter we understood thatt Mr. Caneinge in his journey to Agra was assaulted by theves, and in resistaunce receeved a shott in his bodie with an arowe and [was] dangerousslie wounded: and likewisse of Robertt Trullie, one of his attendantts, was shott into the arme: and how Mr. Canninge and his company had convicctted [i.e. vanquished] the theves and sentt them awaie, some kild, some laymed: allso how Mr. Temple and Mr. Hunt afte[r]wards in ther journey rune awaye from Mr. Caneinge, and took one or tow of his best horsses with them and great store of money. Thes towe men, Temple and Huntt, weere the Generalls servantts, and he prefered them to Mr. Caneinge to be his attendantts to the courtt of the Great Magole, and in his greattest necessittie [they] did give him the slipp, to ther great shame and infamie. We understood likewisse by thes letters how that Nuno de Gunno was by the Vice Roie imprisoned at Goa, for retourninge without comission; allso of the price of cloth to be att 25 or 30 mamowdas. Furder, we understood how that Chaull, Bassee[n], and other placces where the Portugalls have inhabitted were besieged, scince our departure, by the Greatt Magolle and the Decannees ; in which proceedinges God give them hapie successe [...] 2 June. Our Generall, with all our chieffe, wentt to the courtt; where before the Kinge we sec an ollephantt and a tiger maik a cruell feight; His Majestie siting upon an ollephantt beholdinge the sportt. Which beinge ended, the Gencrall accompanied His Majestic to his pallacce, and so took leave [...] [Page 164] [...]10. The Generall this daie went to the courtt to move the Kinge for his letter to Priaman; which was promissed unto our Generall over a daie, towe or three. This daie att the courtt we understood how that about 3 or 4 daies past a nobleman, for lookinge att one of the Kinges concubynes, was judged by the King to have one of his eyes puld outt. Another, for wearinge a turband extraordinary, had a peecce of his skull cutt awaie. 11 June. The Generall was, by one of the capttains of the Guzurattes, invitted to dynner; by whom he, with all his followers, was verie curtteouslie entertayned. He was of Dabull [...] 14. The Generall wentt to the courtt, with the chiefe; where he presented the King with 4 murderers, 4 tergetts [see p. 148], 6 launces; which the Kinge recceved in great curttesey, and tould the Generall he would prepair a present for the Kinge of England, whom he called his brother; and that he would send yt by [Page 165] him. Our Generall retourned many thanks to His Majestic in our Kinges behalfe. Att our comeinge awaie from the courtt, without the gaitt we see a man lyinge slayne, and was to lie there till the dogges had eatten his flesh, for comittinge adulltterey with another mans wiffe [...] 17. The Generall, with our chiefe, wentt to the courtt, [and] presented the Kinge with an English shipp ; in which shipp he took greatt pleassure, and did acceptt of yt and esteeme yt moore then a matter of greatter worth. The letter was promissed within a daie or towe ; and many promisses of honor and creditt to our Generall, for the fame of our nation. This daie the Capttain of the Flemings deceassed. Our Generall, att his retorn from the courtt, wentt, with all his followers, to his burieall, our trumpets sounding his knell. This daie heere arived in the rood of Achen a junke which came from Messapotania [Masulipatam]; wherin came a Fleminge passenger, by whom we understod newes of the Globe: of the death [of] Capttain Anthonye Hippen, and one Mr. Brownne: and how one Mr. John Essington was maid capttain. We understood of hir distresse by drinkinge salt watter, and aliso of hir going to Pattania [...] 20. In the mourninge we were in the way to the Rassedors housse for the dispatch of the letter, butt we mectt one of his servants in the waie, who brought the letter. Our Generall re- [Page 166] tourned baik agayne with the messenger to our housse, and there the letter was by our jurabassa enterpreted. The effecctt wherof was that our Generall should att his pleasure dissposse of a facctorie at Priaman or Tecowe, and his merchantts to be by the people curtteouslie entreatted: a bargayne, beinge once maid, should stand, and neyther partie revolt: and ther to have the same weight of Achen, which we may carie with us, in all such comoditties as we shall transportt for those placces, without any contradiccttion of the chiefe. This daie the Kinge [him ]selfe came downne by watter from his pallace, attended of both sides the river with greatt store of ollephants [and] horsses; many of his nobles being in the praw with His Majestie, and a multitud of souldiers and people which did accompany him to the fortt or castle ; wither he went, partlie for recreacion, and partlie for profitt, for this daie he did confiscatt a junk of Suratt which was worth 100,000 crowns, and maid all the people slaves, for that they had bene att a place called Pera, which people are enemies to this Kinge of Achen. This beinge done, the Kinge retourned to the courtt by land, ridinge upon an ollephant, which had a chaire of pure gold upon his back. Our Generall accompanied His Majestie to the courtt, [he] promissing the next daie to go abord and see our shippes [...] [Page 167] [...]24. Our Generall went to the courtt for the dispatch of bussines. And this daie our Generall prevailled so much that the Kinges present and his letter was obteyned. This daie the Generall sould the Kinge 168 bahars of iron att 5 taillc the baharr, to be delivered with expedicion. The present and letter was brought to our housse by a nobleman riding upon an ollephantt, accompanied with other towe of the Kinges chiefe nobles, with [Page 168] muzick plaieing before them alongst the streetts, as ther customes is in such affaires which concernes the Kinge. The present was a rich creast [kris] of pure gold, set with pretious stones, 8 campheer dishes, 4 peecces of fine stuffe, [and] a launce enameld with gould. Att the receitt of this present and letter for our king, our Generall did present the 3 nobles with [each] of them of [a] book of fyne callico; who, taikinge leave, retourned to the courtt [...] 26. Our Generall went to the courtt, accordinge to the Kinges desire unto him the daie before; where we see the Kinge in most royall estait, comeinge unto his church in most rich array, accompanyed with his nobles and chief of his kingedome. From the church [he] retourned unto a grene before his pallacce gaitt, wher he did sitt in a rich chaire of statte of pure gold. His nobles, standinge before him, was called one by one in ther degres to taik ther placces, which was done by greatt obeysance, in bowing downe ther bodies to the grownnd and holding upp of ther hands above ther heads . In the midest of the nobles our Generall was called, and all the rest of the forraine and strang imbassadors, as the honor of ther Kinge and country did deserve. After all the nobles were seatted, inferiours took ther placces. The Kinges gard was 200 greatt ollephants, compassing the place where he satt; a multitud of people aspecctting [i.e. beholding] the fighting of ollephantts, which are the greattest and strongest beasts in the world, haveing teeth a yard and a half lange. The feight of the tame ollephants were both fiercce and furious; butt the wild ones did far excceed them, for before they could be gotten together, they rune amongst the housses and [by] vehement force of there teeth and trounke[ s] did pull them downe. Butt beinge once meett, they maid a most furious feight, and did gore and wound one another with ther teeth most cruellie. Growinge weak, the Kinge caussed them to be partted. After them came buffelos, a beast verie fiercce and strange, which maid a worthie feight and gave greatt content to the speecctators. After them came in [Page 169] greatt rames, which allso maid a good feight. Ther was more sportt to be seene; butt growing laitt, the Kinge did pretermitt the rest. The sportts being ended, all the nobles in ther degree rose uppe and came before the Kinge, kissed his hands, and so with lowe obeysaunce going backwards from his prescence. The King satt still till they all had done in forme afforessaid, and then he himself rose upp and took ollephantt and repaired to his pallace in greatt pomp [...] [Page 171] [...]Our Generall by His Majestie sent for. Wher we meett His Majestie in most rioall staitt in the waie to the church with great solemntie. He had, for his guard [that] went before him, 200 greatt ollephantes, 2000 small shott, 2000 pikes, 200 launces, 100 bowmen; 20 naked swordes of pure gould caried before him. 20 fencers went before him, plaiinge with swordes and tergettes. A horsse leed before him, covered with beaten gould, the bridle sett with stones; at his sadie crutch a shaff [i.e. sheaf] of arrowes, the quiver of beatten gould, sett with pretious stones. Before him went his towe sons, of 8 or 9 yeares ould, arayed with jewelles and rich stones. His Majestie rode upon an ollephant; his sadie of pure gold; his slave behynd him in rich arraye, with his beetle boxe, and a fann of pure gould in his hand, to keepe the flies from the Kinge. The Kinges robbes weere so rich that I cannott well describe them. He had a turband upon his head, sett with jewells and prettious stones invalluable; creast and sword of pure gold, the skaberd sett with stones. Before him went an ollephant with a chaire of staitt, covered all with beatten sillver, that, if yt should chaunce to rayne, he might change ollephants . This ollephant had casses maid of pure gold, to putt upon his teeth. From the church he retourned to a place of pleassure prepared for his entertaynementt. Where His Majestie [Page 172] beinge seatted, all his nobles, according to ther custome, was called, and all forreyne embassadors, as the fame of ther countrey did deserve, were seatted amongst the nobles; which being done, we see the fighting of wild and tame ollephants, buffolos, and rames. Thes pleasures being past, all the nobles in greatt obedience saluted His Majestie att his rissing upp, and did accompany him to his palla[ce], where we left him to his concubynes. This day the Sian embassador sett saille furth of the road of Achen; butt left Nathaniell Fen, whose life he begged, behind him [...] 5. To the courtt for the dispatch of the letter. Att our retouren from the courtt, we see a man executed for some offence comitted in the warrs. He was first laid upon the ground upon his back, and both his eyes puld outt; and after, a stak[ e] was drove in att his foundementt, through all his bodie, and out att the crowne of his head ; and being dead, his corp pes were burned. Another souldier, the daie before, had his eyes puld out, his bodie cloven in tow peecces, and then burned with a doge in his bellie. I was specctator to this misserable tragedie. Another was boylled in oille this daie; which was as cruell a torttuer as the other. Thes men had comitted some offence in the warrs, wherby some prejudecce had happened. The generall of the army, for his wellcome, becausse he did not bring the ould King of Joar, who was an ould decreped man and had assigned his kingdome to his sone , was by the Kinge forcced to catt a platter of turdes, and afterwards to wash his bodie in them, to the Kinges greatt infamie and dishonour, for so base a thing to [Page 173] be published amongst forreyners and strangers [...] 7. To the courtt. This daie our Generall pressented the Kinge with tow English fowllinge pecces, [and] obtayned the letter for Tecowe and Priama[n], butt customes nott remitted, to his greatt dishonor and breach of former promisses with our Generall. This daie the Flemings that was taken prissoners at Joar was by the Kinges officers ransacked of many jewells and aparill [...] 10. Our boatt came to [sic] ashoare, [and] took in 4 bailles of goodes for the Dragon. No man admitted to come ashoare, but with haist to repaire abord. The Generall [was] scntt for by the Kinge to come to the courtt; wither he instantlie repaired, and caried him a peecce for a pressent. [He] could nott be admitted to his pressence, but, haveinge attented an indifferent tyme, he came awaie agayne. Of which the Kinge understandinge, sentt his chope for him agayne. Where fallinge into discoursse, our Generall moved him in the behalfe of the Guzurattes, and offered [Page 174] him a faire peecce of ordinance furth of the Dragon for the liberttie of 4 of the chieff of them, vidz. the ould man and his sonne and the towe pillottes; but the Kinge refused to do yt under a greatt some of money. Wherupon our Generall took leave, haveinge found him allwaies reedie to promisse much and in thend to performe litle. But his bassenes hath not onelie bene evident to his owne subjectes butt allso unto us, in nott performeinge whatt formerlie he had promissed unto our Generall. He diverse tymes shewed us his glorie, but never his loialltie nor fidellitie; and therfore we will leave him to that infidellitie he doth professe [...] 13. In the mourninge the Flemish Captain came abord the [Page 175] Dragon, [and] brought letters for Bantam. Our Generall comaunded his cockson to sett him ashor at the casle. At his parttinge, gave him 3 peeces. 14. We sett saille furth of the rood of Achen, haveinge bene here 3 monnthes and 2 daies; in which tyme we have lost, furth of both shipes, 25 men. Our Generall bought and entertayned here about 25 or thereabout Indeans, for to suplie the want of our men deceassed. Nathaniell Fen left behynd at Achen. The quallitie of money and weightes at Achen. Yowe have a great weight called a bahar, which doth conteyne 385 ll. English. Yowe have allso a small weight called a cattee, which maikes 2 ll. English. You have gould, ther coyned, called masses , at 9d. the peece, and 5 goes for a pece of 8. Yowe have also lead money, of which 1000 maikes a masse, called casse. Ther also doth larres go currant, at 9d. the peece, and 5 to a peece of 8. Sometymes they go at a higher ratte. This money is curant all the Indes over, and much profitt gotten by the exchange of them. This illand of Sumatra, alliis called Ophir, from whence Sallomon had his gould, as the Scriptures in divers placces maikes mention. They do professe Mahamatts lawe, as for the most part of Assia and Affrica doth. They have no church nor churchyard, butt buries ther dead in the corner of streettes . [Page 176] This cittie of Achen lieth within 6 degrees of the Equanoctiall Lyne; which maikes yt so exceedinge hott. Yeet the people countynually goeth bareheaded and barefootted; and so doth the Kinge and all his nobles and chieff of the land. Thes people are greatt swimmers and divers in generall, women as well as men. They teach ther chilldren this artt in ther infancie; so they become verie exquisite in ther perfectt aige. This swiminge they hould to be a great preservacion of ther health; for which causse they dailie exersise yt, as the custome of eattinge and drinking. This illand [is] verie rich, and plentie of fruit; yett the comon sortt of people laies upon an erbe called beettle, by which they fynd greatt sustenance; so that this aforesaid herbe and tobacco is the ordinarie food, both to men and women. The Kinge hath one loyall [i.e. legal, or legitimate] wiffe, whosse chilld doth posesse the croowne. He hath aliso threskore concubynes ; for where he heres of a proper woman, eyther in cittie or countree, he sendeth for hir to the courtt. Allthoughe she bee maried, she must come; and if hir husband seeme unwillinge or loath to partt from hir, then he pressentlie comaundes hir husbandes prick to be cutt of[f], and oftentymes worsse punishments. If the Kinge have more sones then one, when he dies they are all put to death save the elldest, or conveyed furth of the kingdome into some other countree, becausse they shall not contend for the croowne after the Kinges death. If a subject die without heire malle, his goodes and landes falles to the Kinge, and the wiffe, with hir doughters, maye go begge. Many nations have trad for this illand, more for the comoditties yt affordes then the affabillitie of the people; for they are both inhumayne and basse, and much unworthie to inhabite so sweet a countree. 17. Thomas Sicklyne deceassed, and by will gave unto his brother in lawe, John Stronge, all his goodes and waiges; some legacies exceptted, mentioned in the will. 20. Fowlles as bigge as a raven came flieinge into the shipe and light upon our mens shoulders; but smelled so stronge of fish, they could nott eatt them, neyther rost nor sode [i.e. boiled]. 22. Raphe Standiches goodes sould at the mast; came to 115 ll. [Page 177] 26. From the 25 till the last of this instant verie bad wether; much wynd and rayne, with lightninge. Divers of the Dragons men and ours fall sick by intemperat and corupted aire [...] 4. Sailling alongst the mayne iland of Sumatra, we sse a sulphir out of a mountayne, which caussed vehement lightninges in the night, as if the sea had bene of fire. 7 of August. We arived in the rood of Tecowe, where we found the Dragon at anker. [Page 179] August 10.. The merchauntes ashoare, providing a housse and maikinge waie for trad. This daie came abord the cavellero that Sir Henrie Midleton, in his tyme of beinge here, loved so well that he offered him 1000 dollars to go with him for England [...] 13. We ankered in the rood of Priaman, [and] sent our skiffe with John Chambers ashoare to learne newes; by whom we understood the Governer seamed much discont[ ent]ed becausse we came not first to Priaman, for that yt was the chieff portt of those parttes and that the Kinges letter was directed to them. This night we went ashoare to an illand cloosse by where the [Page 180] ship rood, upon which iland we found a tombe of 18 foot, where afterwardes we understood a giant had bene in tombed. We found fresh watter and cocker nuttes [...] [Page 181] [...]15. We acompanied Mr. Olliver ashoare to Priaman; where fallinge into perley [i.e. parley] concerninge the pricce of peper, we found them resolved that, accordinge as our Generall did conclude with thee people of Tecowe, for ther peper, so they would sell thers, and deliver yt at the seaside, where Capttain Keelling and others in tymes past had receeved thers ; but by no meanes they would condiscend [i.e. agree] to transportt anye for Tecowe. And this we found to be the effectt of ther answer. We repaired abord, [and] left Mr. Olliver ashoar verie sick, [with] the surgon to attend him; butt, the extremitie of his fitt beinge past, [they] came abord [...] [Page 182] [...] 26. Beinge in 3 degrees or theraboutes to the southward of Priaman in our vaige to Bantam, we had most cruell and fearfull wether, by thunderinge, lightninge, and raine for many daies together, but esspeciallie one night and a daie. I maie trewlie saie that the greattest cannon in all the world, when yt was fired, did never roare as the thunder heere did; with lightninge and rayne in such aboundaunce as I never in my life hard the like. And I do furder think that in England yt never rayned so much in 6 daies as here yt did in 24 houres. Yt was both wounderfull and miraculous to behold [...]

[Page 183]


Munday, the 31th of August 1612. At 6 a clock in the morning, by my judgment, with the way that wee have runn wee are in the latitude 20° 15'. And now seeing the water to bee chaunged, wee heaved overboard our lead and found 19 fadom water, saft ozie ground; but yett could see noe land. Therfore I cannot judge but that our shipp is a great deale to the eastward of my reckning, for the land of Due [i.e. Diu] beareth N.E. and by East 6o leages of[f], and I knowe wee cannot bee so farr of[f], by the depth of water which now wee find, and also by the culler of the water, which is so suddenly changed [...] [Page 184] [...] 2d day. The next morning, betweene 4 and 5 [a] clock, wee wayed and stood to the southward into deeper water, and ankred. [...] Thursday, the 3d of September. In the morning wee waied and stood up for the barr of Surat; but being little wind, and tide of flud being then done, wee came to an anckcr againe, in 7 fadom water, having sayled some 5 or 6 myles N. and by W. [The] same day at low water, the wind being westerly with a gale, wee waied againe for the bar. And having not stered above 2 howers but wee weare in sight therof; but not knowing of it, wee weare perswaded that wee [weare] above it by the foresaid Indians; and so wee bore downe and came to an anckcr against Nunsore, a river that lyeth some 3 leagcs to the southward of S[urat]. [...] [Page 185] [...] Saterday, the 5th. At 10 a clock wee waied; but the wind being so farr notherly that wee could not hall it of[f] the shoare, but weare fayne to come to an ancker againe. And at the very same tyme ther came a boate of Surat abourd of us, and brought us newes that Sir Middleton had bene ther, but was gone, with all the marchannts with him, and Captaine Hawkings and his wife with all the rest; and also he brought us a lettre which Sir Henry Middleton had left to bee delivered unto the next shipps that came thither. The which wee receiving, presently shott of[f] a peece, that the Generall might come aboard; for it blew so that wee could not rowe ahead, shee riding to windward of us. So presently he came to receive the could newes with the letter, which came as warme to his stomack as a cup of coole water in a frosty morning. This day it blew so hard that the Generall was constrained to lye abourd of our shipp all night. [...] 7th day, Munday. At 10 a clock in the morning wee waied, and stood up for the barr of Surat, with the wind at W. and by S. And the same day, about 4 a clocke in the afternoone, wee came to an ancker in 7 fadom water, some 3/4 of a myle without the barr; but the Dragon rid about 2 cables length without us. The pagot bore E.S.E. of us. This pagot is a great white howse, that standeth in a thickett of bushes; and the further you bee of[f] it, the plainer you shall see it. This pagot is an image that the Gogerts [Gujaratis] and the Bangans [Banyans] doe worship, and is a great thing as bigg as a church without a steeple. Ther is also a great tree that standeth a little to the southward of the foresaid pagot, the better for your knowledg and the finding of the foresaid barr [...] [Page 186] [...] The variation of Swally is 16° 30', and the variation of Surat 16° 20'. If you sayle from Surat [roads] you shall steare S.W.; and so stearing shall come into 15 or 16 fadom; and then you may steare S.S.W., and shall find noe lesse water, if you keepe in the channell. For to the westward, and also to the eastward, you [Page 187] shall have lesse water; for wee tryed both sides. For of[f] Damon wee runn in with our shipp within a league of the shoare, and the least water wee had at 3/4 flud was 6 fatham ; and the more wee hauld of[f] the shoare, the deeper the water. For in running thus to the westward, the water will deepe[n] till you come to 18 fadom water; and then it will begin to should. For ther lyeth sand[s] all alongst from Cambaia till you come so farr to the southwards almost as Daman, which hath 2 fadam water upon them at 1/2 ebbe. In running in the depth aforenamed, and keeping of the channell, yf you bee above Daman you shall hardly see the land, but the trees that growe theron. But if you bee bound for Suratt and fall with Due (which is the best place to fall withall, if possible you can), you must steare away east for Daman; which beareth E. and W. on[e] of another, neerest of any other point. And if you find any should water, you must halle of[ f] more southerly, and then the water will deepe[n]. For the depth betweene Damon and Due is 18 and 20 fadam water; which is the most, but sometimes you shall have but 10 or 12 fadom, and then presently deepe[n] againe till you come to the shoulding of the shoare, which is very good shoulding. The towne of Daman lyeth in latitud 20° 20', and is to the eastward of Due 40 leagues. If you bee north 3 leages or 2 leages and 1/2, that you can any waye see the towne, you may know [it by] this marke: you shall see a steeple that standeth in the towne (for all the [townes] to the northward have not the like). Also ther is an hill that standeth a little [to the] northward; and from that place to the northward is all low land, without any hill, either small or great, on that side of the bay; for if you bee anything of[f] the shoare, you shall think that all the trees standeth in the water; for it is very low land. But to the southward of Daman it is reasonable hie land; which is a great means to knowe whether you bee to the southward or to the northward of Daman. The variation of the compas of Daman is 16° and 20'. From Daman to the northward ther is a towne called Gundleve; also to the northward therof ther is a towne called Nunsore. This towne also hath a small river that belongeth unto yt; but not fitting for any shipp, but for frygatts or suchlike. This river is 12 myles to the southwards of Suratt. [Page 188] [...] Twesday, the 19th. In the morning wee mett with 4 Mallabars shipps, layden with cokernuts, being bound for Surat. 3 of them wee tooke and pilledg[ ed] them, and so lett them goe. This day wee weare in latitud 19° 35', and the variation from N. to W., 15° 55' [...]Thursday, the 21th. In the morning before day wee halled in with the shoare, and the Dragon in the offin. Wee saw 3 Mallabars shipps, and spake with them, and they tould us they weare bound for Cambaia and belonged to Cuchen [Cochin ], having the Portugalls passe with them. This day wee weare in latitud (by judgment) I7° 15', and the compas varyed from N. to West 15° 40'; the wind continuing still northerly, with fayre weather. [Page 189] [...] Sunday, the 24th. In the morning wee weare thwart of a small ileland that ly[ eth ] of[f] the shoare. This iland wee spyed in the night, almost right ahed of us. [Wee] steared S.W. 3 or 4 glasse to goe cleare of it. Wee saw 60 sayle of frygatt[s, which] went within this ileland. They weare Portugalls, bound for Cuchene [...] Munday, the 25th. In the morning, being cahne, wee went abourd with our boa[t, the] Generall with us, to see what was in her; but finding nothing but rice th[ ] thing, wee tooke so much as wee thought good of, and then wee burnt h[er]. Tewsday, the 26th. In the morning, being little wind, wee spied a M[allabar, and brought her] ahourd of the Dragon. Shee was also layden with cokernutts; and in her w[ee put the men] that was in the Portingall shipp, to sett ashoare, saving 8, which w[ee took along in our] shipps [...][Page 190] [...] Saterday, the 30th. In the morning wee steared in with the shoare; and at 2 a clocke in the afternoone wee came to an anckor at a place called Bringon . Wee anckred within muskitt shott of the shoare, in 16 fatham. In this place wee had fresh water and henns, with other refreshing wee had ther in great aboundance [...] Fryday, the 5th. In the morning wee waied, with the wend of[f] the shoare, and stood alongst for the Cape. But about 10 a clock the wind came easterly, with a storme of wend [...] [Page 191] [...] Wednesday, the 24th of February. In the morning, before [Page 192] day, wee waied, ri[ding about] 15 leages to the northward of Cape Commorene, in a bay [...] [Page 193] Thursday, the 4th. At 9 a clock in the morning wee weare open of Cape Galla. But as so[on] as we came open, the easterly wind blowing so feirce that wee weare faine to tack and [to] stand in with the shoare; tarrying there, plying to and againe, untill such tyme as it plea[sed] God to send us a slent of wind to carry us about. This day wee observed the latitude and found [it] to bee 5° 55' [...][Page 196] [...] Sunday, the 4th. At noone, the latitude (by observation) 5°05', and in longitude, from Cape [Galla] to the eastward, 8° 00'. This 24 bowers wee steared Est Southerly, allowing the variation; but wee found that wee have made an E. and by N. way, 30 leages, with the wind [at] S.S.W. And the compasse varyed, from N. to W., 8° 50'. This 24 howers for the most part wee had, as it weare, many riplings, as it weare overfalls ; which wee suspect to bee a currante [which] setteth into the northward into the Baye of Bangalla. For wee find one [our] shipp to bee further to the northward today then wee weare yesterday by 10' [sic], although wee steared a southerly course. [Page 197] Sunday, the 11th. At 6 a clocke in the morning wee weare faire by a little ileland [which] lyeth to the northward of the baye of Achene; and having little wend, the currant drove [us at] a great pace to the northward of him. This ileland is called Gumspaulla [...]

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5. EXTRACTS FROM ROBERT BONNER'S ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGE~Notes taken out of M[r]. Robert Boners journall, who was then master in the Dragon.

The first of February[1612], having received in all provisions for so long a voyage, we set saile from Gravesend, and the same day at ten of the clocke we anchored in the Hope. Aprill the thirteenth, wee had the generall [i.e. trade] wind. Note that you shall seldome meete with the generall wind till you come in two or three degrees to the southward of the Line; and then, when you come to meete with the Ternadoes (as you shall be sure to meete them in two or three, and sometimes in foure degrees, to the northward of the Line), you must be very diligent to ply to the southward, for therein lyeth the mayne of your good or bad passage. And likewise for the health of your men, or they are very unhealthfull [...] [Page 201] Ino [sic] de Nova is a low ragged iland, about foure miles in length, lying south-south-east and north-north-west. This iland hath latitude seventeene degrees, thirtie minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope nineteene degrees, fortie minutes etc. Wee had no ground at one hundred fathome. We can perceive no danger from it; only at the south-south-east end of it lies a small breach about a mile off. Therefore feare not to haule in sight of it, being bound this waies ; for if you shall haule over for the maine, you shall be mightily troubled with a strong current setting to the southward; and there are likewise many dangerous bankes, whereon many Portugais have lost their ships [...] The nine and twentieth day, at two in the afternoone, wee set saile and stood with the foure gallions and frigats, which were come within some two leagues of us. The first which we met withall was the vice-admirall. Wee gave her such a welcome as that she was glad to haste unto the rest with all speed. Night being neere, and our long boat sunke at our sterne with an unluckey shot, we anchored. The thirtieth day, early in the moorning, wee set saile and stood with them; and after some houres fight put three of the gallions ashoare on the offermost sand; and then wee stood into deeper water, and anchored. Their frigats were straight aboord the ships aground, and shoared them up with their yards, or els I thinke they had never come off. As soone as the floud came wee weighed; but they were afloate ere wee could get to them. Wee fought with them till it was darke, and had one man kild and another hurt. [Page 202] [...]The three and twentieth day, by daylight we were under saile and stood with the admirall; and so fought till two of the clocke, at which time they cut their cable and began to runne, the admirall having received a shot under water; but the helpe of the frigats brought her upon the carine presently, and stopped it. And so for this time fled ; all the campe standing by the seaside looking on us, within a league or two miles of us. For a great commander did there just by us besiege a castle holden by rebels and pirats, and were willing spectators of this sea-fight. The foure and twentieth day we stood with them againe, and fought with them till two or three of the clocke in the afternoone. They fled, and, being light ships and deane , went from us. One man kild, and no more hurt; praysed be God for all His [Page 203] mercies. Note that wee have spent sixe hundred [and] eightie great shot and three thousand small shot out of the Dragon, and some sixtie barrels of powder. Their admirall had thirtie-eight peeces, and the rest thirtie by ship; very good ordnance. This night we steered for Surat south-east, to haule without the sands. South from Mea , some sixe leagues off, lies the first spit; on which sand the Ascension was lost [...] [Page 204] I doe thinke that the Gulf of Cambaya is the worst place in all the Indies for wormes; and therefore the ships which goe for Surat must have good provision. The barre of Surat hath latitude twentie-one degrees, ten minutes; and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, fiftie-threc degrees, thirtie minutes easterly. Variation, sixteene degrees, fiftic minutes westerly. Latitude of Swally is twentie-one degrees, twentie minutes; variation, seventeene degrees, no minutes [...]west-south-west to the north-west and by west. Anchorhold good. In the westerly monson you shall have many times very much wind, with gusts of raine; but you shall ride very well. There goes a small current to the eastward and westward, in manner of a tyde, but not so certaine, and heights and fals some five or sixe foot water [...] In steering north-north-west from the little iland which lyes south-west and by west seven leagues from Priaman Iland, wee saw a shoald bearing from the said little iland south-east and by south, five miles off. We sent our boat to it, who found it but [Page 205] three fathome rockes. From this shoald the homockes of Tecu beare north and by west. Wherefore, beeing bound for Tecu, keepe off so that the homockes may beare north, or north and by east, and feare not [...][Page 206] [...] This day, at nine of the clocke, wee sailed into the inner roade, which is betwixt the mayne and the innermost iland, halfe a mile from the mayne and a cables length from the iland ; your depth foure fathome, soft, ozie. Our depth in was twentie-two foot, beeing halfe tyde. It highes and fals some five or sixe foot water. The tyde, as I perceive, runnes twelve houres north-north-west, and twelve houres contrarie. To the northward of all the ilands, in comming in, you shall have foure fathomes and an halfe; but keepe neere the inner iland, for from the mayne on that side lyes a shoald. The ilands are all of one bignesse, being halfe a mile apiece in circuit. They will beare from the south-west and by south to the north-west. Your best water is on the iland; digge a well, and presently [i.e. immediately] water comes

[Page 207]

6. THE NARRATIVE OF THE REV. PATRICK COPLAND Remembrances taken out of a tractate written by Master Patrike Copland, Minister.

In the tropickes are seldome or no stormes, but a smooth sea, with soft gales. Flying fishes are frequent, as bigge as a small whiting; they flye twice the length of a ship. Turnados (gusts within two degrees of the Line) 'cause all things, specially cloaths, to smell. They had ninetie or a hundred sicke, the rest weake, before they came to Soldania. The bay of Soldania and all about the Cape is so healthfull and fruitfull as might grow a Paradise of the world. It well agrees with English bodies; for all but one in twentie dayes recovered as at the first day they set forth. They had then, in June, snow upon the hils; the weather warmish. The countrey is mixed: mountaines, plaines, medowes, streames ; the woods as if they were artificially planted for order. There is freestone to build with, plentie of fish and fowle, wilde geese, partriches and duckes, antilopes, deere, rivers [sic]. They had thirtie nine beeves, one hundred and fifteene sheepe for a little brasse cut out of two or three old kettles. For the sheepe worth one penny, or one penny halfe penny, the piece; the beeves twelve pence. The people are loving; afraid at first, by reason of the unkindnesse of [the] Dutch which came there to make traine oyle, who killed and stole their Cattell; and at our returne more kind; of middle size, well limmed, very nimble and active. They dance in true measure. All naked; only weare a short cloke of sheepe or seale skinnes to their middle (the hairie side inward), a cap of the same, and a kind of rats skinne about their privities. Some had a sole on their feet, tyed about. Their neckes were adorned with greasie tripes, which sometimes they would pull off and eat raw. When we threw away their beasts entrailes, they would eate them halfe [Page 208] raw, the bloud lothsomely slavering. Bracelets about their armes they had, of copper or ivorie, with many ostrich feathers and shels. The womens habit is as the mens. They were shamefac't at first; but at our returne homewards they would lift up their rat-skinnes and shew their privities. Their breasts hang to the middle; their haire curled. Copper with them is gold; iron, silver. Their houses little tents in the field, of skins, moveable at pleasure. Their language with doubling the tongue in their throat. There is a high hill, called the Table, overcovering all the adjoyning territories one hindred miles. Some went and discovered many hayes and rivers. The negroes behaved themselves peaceably at Sinon, yet seeme of little or no religion. They cut their skinnes like Baals priests [...]The Guzerates tooke sea-coale to carry for a wonder to the Mogol. The Portugall fleete was two hundred fortie sayle of frigats (merchants bound for Cambaya, which furnish the carracks), foure gallions, with twenty-five or twentie-sixe frigats [...]Medhaphrabads is now ruined by the Mogols warres; which sometime hath beene a faire citie and walled. Here was a castle [Page 209] kept by the Ratspuches [Rajputs], in which at that time a strong rebell to the Mogoll was besieged by the Nabob, with fiftie or sixtie thousand people in his campe. The Nabob had a stately and spacious tent, covered above with cloth of gold, beneath spread with Turkie carpets. The Generall would not stirre till he had taken the castle. He sent a horse and two vests wrought with silke and gold to our Generall, and foure vests for foure other. They have store of good grapes; yet none but rasin wine [...] I rode to Surat in a coach drawne with oxen (which is most ordinary, though they have store of goodly horses). Here in the way was the goodliest spring and harvest together that ever I saw; the fields joyning, one greene as a meadow, the other yellow as gold, ready to bee cut; their graine wheat and rice. They have excellent bread. All along were goodly villages, full of trees yeelding taddy, like new sweet wine, much strengthening and fatting. Surat hath stone and bricke houses, faire, square, flatroofed; goodly gardens, with pomegranats, pome-citrons, limons, melons, figs, continuing all the yeere, with curious springs of fresh water. The people are grave, judicious, neat, tall, goodly cloathed in long white callico or silke robes [...] The twelfth of Aprill they anchored in the road of Achen, [Page 210] where the King welcomed our men. The arancaia came riding in a tent [i.e. howdah] on an elephants backe, with two or three of the Kings boyes (for he is attended with boyes abroad, women within), holding a bason of gold, to receive the Kings letter. Our Generall followed, with fortie or fiftie men. After the letter and present delivered, the King told us we should see some of his pastime, and called for his cockes; which after they have fought about once or twice, they take them up, bath them, picke their feathers, and sow up their wounds. After an houre thus spent in cockfighting, his rammes fought, very fiercely; then his tame elephants, more cruelly; then his buffles, most stomackfully. Finally, our antilopes, wherewith our Generall had presented him; whose fight best pleased him. Hee all this while drinkes tobacco in a silver pipe, given by his women, which are in a close roome behind him. After this, supper was served in by young boyes of foureteene or fifteene yeeres, in swasse(a mettall halfe copper, halfe gold). This supper continued from seven till almost twelve; in which we had foure hundred dishes, with hot drinkes [...]The second of May all strangers were invited to a banquet sixe miles off; for which purpose two elephants were sent for our Generall. Here were all the dishes brought by water; the boyes holding the dish with one hand and swimming with the other (so did they carrie the strong drinke also); whereof when they had tasted (which they must of all), they threw the rest into the river. It continued from one till five. In it were five hundred dishes, well dressed. Our Generall, weary with sitting by the King thus long in the water, was dismissed an houre before the rest. The Captaine of the Dutch house, taking there his bane, either with hot drinke or cold sitting so long in the water, soone after died. The second of June they were entertained with a fight of foure elephants with a wild tygre, tied at a stake; which yet, fastening on their trunks and legges, made them to roare and bleed ex- [Page 211] treamely. This day we were told that one eye of a nobleman was plucked out, for looking on one of the Kings women washing in a river. Another gentleman, wearing a shash , had his head round cut so farre as that was too large. Some he is said to boyle in scalding oyle; some are sawne apeices; others their legges cut off, or spitted alive, or empaled on stakes. The twentie-fifth [sic] was before the King a fight of wild elephants; which would quickly kill each other, but that some tame are made fast to them, which draw them backe; sometime eighty or an hundred men helping. They set one wild betweene two tame to tame them [...][Page 213] This king of Achen is a proper gallant man of warre, of thirty-two yeares, of middle size, full of spirit, strong by sea and land. His countrey populous. His elephants many, whereof wee saw one hundred [and] sixtie or one hundred [and] eightie at a time. His gallies and frigats carry in them very good brasse ordnance, demicanon, culverin, sakar, minion, etc. His building stately and spacious, though not strong. His court at Achen pleasant, having a goodly branch of the maine river about and through his pallace; which branch he cut and brought sixe or eight miles off in twenty dayes, while we continued at Achen. Sumatra is very mountainous and woodie. The people courteous; wept at our departure, leaving little [...] [Page 214] [...] July the twelfth we tooke leave of Achen. The ninth of August they went on shoare at Tecoo. Here they stayed eleven weekes; bought one hundred [and] twenty tunne of pepper: buried twenty-five men, which got their death at Passaman, for Tecoo is healthful]. Pepper growes most at Passaman and the countrey about.

[Page 215]


Havinge provided all thinges necessarye for soe lange a voyage, wee wayed anchoure on the firste of Februarye 1611 [ 1612] from Gravesende; from whence wee sailed with prosperous wynds and wether untill the eighth of June followinge, when wee came to the Cape Bona Speransa, where our Generall wente on shoare. And havinge manye of our men sicke, hee caused the tents to bee pitched and our sicke men to bee brought on shoare. The people of the countrye brought us downe some sheepe and cowes, which wee bought of them, givinge for a sheepe a little peece of brasse and for a cowe three peeces; which brasse may be vallewed at 2s. the three peeces. Theire sheepe have noe woole on their backs, but haire verye large; beeinge reasonablye well fleshed, with exceedinge greate tayles. Theire beeves [oxen] are like ours ; verye large of bone, but leane for the moste parte. The people of that countrye are negrose, with woollye pates, flat nosed, and verye straight of bodye. The men have but one stone apeece; the other is cutt out when they bee younge. They goe apparrelled with a skinne about theire shoulders, which reacheth downe to theire waste. They have the skinne of a ratte to hange before theire privie members, and another on theire buttocks; or else all naked. Some of them weare capps of leather made [Page 216] close to theire pates, and shoe-soles tyed to their feete, much broader and longer then theire feete. Theire armes wherewith they fighte are launces verye small, with heades artificially [i.e. skilfully] made. They have likewise bowes and arrowes, but of little or noe force. They are verye experte in throweing theire darts, for they would runne into the sea by the shore-syde and kill much :fishe with flynginge of theire darts, in a small tyme, and come and sell us them for little snippes of brasse or copper. They weare aboute theire neckes fatt gutts of sheepe or oxen, which smell unsaverilye; and when they are hungrye, will eate them. They will eate any garbage, bothe rawe and fowle. When wee had killed an oxe or a sheepe at anye time, they would scramble for the offall, like doggs, and eate yt. In this baye of Saldama lyeth a lowe iland called Penguye [sic], by the name of the aboundance of penguins that are theron; which are fowles without wings, aboute the bignesse of a goose. They are good to eate, but somewhat ranke. There is allsoe in this iland aboundance of seales ; whereof wee coughte some. In fyne, the inhabitants of the place live like miserable people, as indeede they are. The 28th of June 1612 wee departed from the baye of Saldama with prosperous wyndes, saylinge on in our voyage untill the 13th day of Auguste, when wee crossed the equinoctiall lyne. And the 30th daye wee sawe snakes swyminge in the sea, beeinge in the height of eighteene and a halfe degrees to the norward of the equinoctiall [...][Page 217] [...] Uppon the 7th of the same moneth wee arrived at the barre of Suratt in the East-Indeases; and the thirteenth day wee came to Suratt, and were kyndlye entertayned of the Governor and the chiefes of the cittye. There is an order in this cuntrye that strangers cominge to visite an inhabitante (bee hee a man of anye fashion) doe presente him with somethinge or other, and not to come to him emptye-handed; insomuch that our people which wee sente firste on shore, having nothing but money aboute them to give for presents, were fayne to presente the Governor of the cittye, and other chiefe men, with each a royall of eight; which they kyndlye accepted, takinge yt for a greate honour to bee presented, though the presente bee but small [...] [Page 218] [...] The fyrye Dragon, bestiringe herselfe, in some three bowers hott feight drove three of the gallions on the sands; and then the Ozeander, drawinge little water, daunced the haye aboute them, and soe payed them that they durste not shewe a man on theire deckes; killinge and spoylinge their men, and battered theire shipps exceedinglye. In the afternoone, the flud beeinge come, the gallionns, with the helpe of the friggots, were aflote agayne, and receaved a brave welcome of our shippes; with whom they continued feight about foure bowers, but much to theire disadvantage and our greate honour. It beeinge nowe night, wee came to our anchours, and theire rode that night and all the nexte daye, without meddling each with other [...] [Page 219] [...]About ten dayes after the shippes staye, where they had trade and commerce with this people, the Portungale shippes and friggots, havinge replenished theire wants with store of freshe men, came thether to our shippes [...] The 13th of Januarye 1612 [1613] I, beeinge in Suratt, was [Page 220] sente for aboard by the Generall; where, by a counsaile, I was entertayned and bounde to the Worshippfull Companye of Marchaunts, and in regard of my languadge (which others of theire factors wanted) I was appoynted to remayne in Suratt as a factor [...]

[Page 221]


[...]Nuno da Cunha set out from Goa in November 1612, with a squadron of four galleons, being himself in command of one, while the captains of the other three were Francisco de Miranda Henriques, Gaspar de Mello de Sampaio, and Manuel de Andrade Beringel [...]The vessels had been fitted out as well as time permitted-quite well enough to deal with all other nations but leaving much to be desired in a conflict with a European enemy. Thus, proper ordnance was lacking, for none of the galleons except the flagship carried as many as twenty-eight guns ; of the others, one had eighteen, and the remaining two still less. There was also a great deficiency of gunners, especially of skilled men. Few Portuguese sailors were available, and hence it was necessary to employ in their place Moslem lascars-sailors who, as they go to sea merely for gain, do their best to avoid fighting, because it does not profit them. Finally, the galleons, although large and strong, were very sluggish in comparison with their opponents-a matter of importance in naval warfare. The only things they did not lack were good leaders and soldiers of tried valour. The fleet proceeded to Surat, without any incident on the way worth mentioning. The same day on which it arrived, the English, who were lying in the Pool [of Swally] with one ship and a pinnace (patacho ), at once came out, fearing lest they should be boarded if they remained in the Pool; and, trusting in the swift- [Page 222] ness of their vessels, they encountered our galleons at four o'clock in the afternoon and fought with them until dark. In this fight they killed many of our men; though none of our vessels failed to do her part and to give as much as she received. On our side there died this day thirty, more or less, according to the small information I could obtain on the point. Nor could I discover the names of the dead, in order to perpetuate their memory, or for their honour and for the satisfaction of those bound to them by friendship, by blood, or even by acquaintance. The soldiers, seeing the slaughter made by the enemy's artillery and finding themselves denied the time or opportunity to show their valour in the vengeance they wished to take and could have taken, cursed the first inventor of that contrivance, which is the consumer and destroyer of all the valiant men of the world. Night having come, the combatants separated, and our galleons anchored, owing to the great currents there are in those latitudes. And at daylight the ship and the pinnace again attacked the galleons, and the artillery combat was renewed, and was fought on both sides with all possible fervour. And as the galleon of Gaspar de Mello was putting its bowsprit on the stern of the enemy pinnace, in order to board her, the galleon went aground, and the pinnace saved herself over the shoals or sandbanks that are in the sea around the Pool of Surat. The same misfortune happened to Manuel de Andrade Beringel, when he endeavoured to overtake and board the English ship. The reason was that, as the enemy vessels were more apatanadas than ours, they drew much less water, and thus could retreat when necessary or attack when they pleased, not making it a point of honour never to show their backs, as our men did in fighting with them; for, being ships of war, we should feel it a great disgrace to avoid an encounter; while they, relying only on artillery fire from a dis- [Page 223] tance, withdrew or came on as they pleased, being enabled to do so by the handiness of their vessels, which were well fitted and better sailers than ours. If ours were placed on a footing of equality with theirs in these respects, better results might be expected; but in India this can rarely be attained, seeing that, as the voyages are so numerous and the seamen receive such good wages, all devote themselves to those expeditions, and nothing can prevent them, owing to the vast extent of the Portuguese territory . But as war is only an invention to enable each man to get the better of his enemy, all who can should make use of every possible means to that end, save those that are infamous [...][Page 224] [...]The battle on the second day ended when our four galleons were re-united, for when the enemy saw them together, knowing that our aim was to board them and thus deprive them of the advantage of their ordnance, they sailed off to the opposite coast of the gulf. Thus at daybreak they were out of the sight of our fleet; and on Luiz de Brito de Mello arriving from Diu, of which he was Captain-General, he brought intelligence that the English were making for that coast. Thereupon the Commander-inChief, Nuno da Cunha, made the signal to weigh anchor and sailed in pursuit, ordering Luiz de Brito to find out exactly where the enemy was and come to inform him. This Luiz de Brito accomplished successfully; for when Nuno da Cunha was lying with the galleons off the bar of Diu, Luiz de Brito came to him with the news that the English were at Castellete,which is on the coast [blank] leagues below Diu. Nuno da Cunha proceeded without delay to that spot, ordering the other three galleons of his squadron to board the enemy at night. But afterwards he countermanded this order, on finding that the English were anchored in three fathoms only of water, a depth far too shallow for our galleons. This the enemy had purposely done, for fear of such an attempt on our part. At daybreak, when they saw our vessels, they at once came to meet them. This they did for fear of losing reputation with a captain of the Great Mogul's, who was beleaguering the fortress of Castellete and was bombarding it with two pieces of heavy ordnance, which we had lent him for that purpose from the fortress of Diu. Our reason for doing this was that it would suit us well to have this nest of [piratical] craft destroyed. These boats were continually at Castellete, and the black captain of that place favoured and aided them, on account of the money they paid him when he rose in rebellion against his own king. The result was that all this coast was notably infested by the pirates, and suffered thereby great detriment. [Page 225] Our galleons fought with the enemy for two days from sunrise to sunset, without once having an opportunity of boarding, by reason that the English ship and pinnace were much more agile than the galleons; and moreover, they were careful not to fight unless they had the weather-gage, and every time that we endeavoured to get near them they turned to windward. Thus they slew many of our people, while we could not learn what loss we were causing them. When you cannot see, you can never be sure, and can only rely on inferences from the fact that our galleons did not cease from shooting; and as the hulls of the enemy must have received many shots, there must have been loss of life. On the second day of the fight the flagship was struck by a shot which caused a fire in her lower deck; and so burning, as could well be seen, she turned towards the land. Her three consorts came up to her to help as far as they could and learn her condition. When they reached her, they found that she had already managed to extinguish the fire, though with great labour; two cabins on that deck having been burnt out and much damage done. At this time the enemy ship hoisted a square black flag, as a sign that their chief commander was dead , and made sail again for Surat. The pinnace did the same, abandoning the fight and crowding on sail [...][Page 226] [...]The next morning the Moguls entered the fortress, and sent word to Nuno da Cunha that he had better go speedily in search of the English, as there was nothing more for him to do at that place. And they proceeded to pull down the fort, leaving not one stone on another, in order that it should not be used again or rebuilt, nor any opportunity be given to cause them similar trouble in future. Nuno da Cunha, without making any delay, sailed for Suratin search of the English in the direction he had been told they had gone. He arrived in the afternoon, when it was too late to attack. Next day at dawn he sighted the ship and the pinnace, which thereupon set sail, keeping in shallow water (having no cargo on board) and showing no willingness to come to a fight. Nuno da Cunha followed them vigorously with his galleons as far as he could, until, being so much swifter (as already mentioned), they were lost to sight. Then, recognizing that further pursuit would be useless, he returned to Surat, and there consulted with his captains how he could attack the factory which the English had established in that city. It was decided to send someone up thither to ascertain how matters stood, in order that they might then judge what course to take; and so Gaspar de Mello was despatched in disguise, to look into and consider the whole situation with his usual prudence and judgment. His report was that the situation was such that nothing could usefully be done. At the same time he confirmed the news that we had slain the enemy's commander-in-chief and many of their people. Nuno da Cunha, seeing that he could do nothing more there, set sail for Goa, calling on his way at the fortresses of the North, to ascertain whether he could perform any service to His Majesty at those ports. Arriving at Chaul, he found that they were at open war with the Melique , on which account he was begged to leave there some of his people. He accordingly put on shore four companies, each of thirty men, under the command [Page 227] of Pero Gomes de Sousa, Pero Gomes o Villlio, Goncaalo de Proenca, and Luiz Tello de Meneses. Then setting sail for Goa, he arrived there in March 1613, and was received with every token of joy by Dom Hieronymo de Azevedo, then established as Governor. And although some said that, in view of Nuno da Cunha's reputation, he had not accomplished much in that expedition, yet, as such persons had not much experience of fighting with the English and the Dutch in large vessels, and considering the differences already pointed out and the defects on our side, as well as the advantages possessed by the enemy in sailors, gunners, and artillery, it was afterwards considered, for these reasons and taking into account the successes we afterwards had against the enemy when we were stronger, that Nuno da Cunha had well discharged the duty entrusted to him and had not disappointed expectations; for if he could not capture the enemy, for the reasons given, he compelled him to leave the harbour, flee, and go away without cargo, all in sight of the people of the country. If such a result could always be obtained, it would be for this State one of the greatest benefits it could receive.

This is a selection from the original text


cloth, health, lemons, pepper, rotten, sea, trade, victuals, war, water

Source text

Title: The Voyage of Thomas Best to the East Indies, 1612-14

Editor(s): Sir William Foster

Publisher: The Hakluyt Society

Publication date: 1934

Original compiled 1612-14

Edition: 1st Edition

Place of publication: London

Provenance/location: This text was transcribed from images available at Internet Archive: Original compiled 1612-14

Digital edition

Original editor(s): William Foster

Language: English


Texts collected by: Ayesha Mukherjee, Amlan Das Gupta, Azarmi Dukht Safavi

Texts transcribed by: Muhammad Irshad Alam, Bonisha Bhattacharya, Arshdeep Singh Brar, Muhammad Ehteshamuddin, Kahkashan Khalil, Sarbajit Mitra

Texts encoded by: Bonisha Bhattacharya, Shreya Bose, Lucy Corley, Kinshuk Das, Bedbyas Datta, Arshdeep Singh Brar, Sarbajit Mitra, Josh Monk, Reesoom Pal

Encoding checking by: Hannah Petrie, Gary Stringer, Charlotte Tupman

Genre: India > non-fiction prose > travel narratives and reports

For more information about the project, contact Dr Ayesha Mukherjee at the University of Exeter.