2.

[...]We arrived at Raguza, where we stayed several days on account of a contrary wind. Having at last set sail, we coasted along Dalmatia and past several islands, and finally leaving the Archipelago behind, at the end of four months we arrived in the port of Smyrna.

Smyrna is a Turkish port, and there is a mingling of many nations there namely, Italians, French, English, Dutch, and many Armenian merchants, who all live by the borders of the sea. At the time when we were at this port it happened that a Turk gave several blows with a stick to the captain of an English vessel. The Englishman swallowed the affront while he remained in the town waiting to embark, and after he had got a little way out to sea he bombarded the town and fled.

We remained seven days at Smyrna ; after that we started with a caravan for the town of Burca (Brusa). On the road we suffered much from cold, owing to the large amount of snow, and we arrived in eight days in good health.

3.

On our arrival at Burca, an ancient town of the Greeks, we were received by an Armenian called Anthoine Cheleby, who acted as governor of the town ; and further seeing that we should have to wait a long time before we could meet with a caravan leaving for Persia, we quitted the town and went to live in the country house of the said Anthoine Cheleby. [Page 3] While our clothes were being carried out, under charge of one of our men called Charles, a Frenchman and a great musician, a couly (quli) carrying one tin case disappeared. In this box was our money, also the best and the most valuable of what my master possessed. Great efforts were made to recover the things, but all we could find was the empty box, lying outside the town in the middle of some gardens. In this difficulty Anthoine Cheleby gave us whatever we had need of for the expenses of our journey [...]

We pursued our route along with the caravan, which was a very large one. In it were several Armenian merchants, who looked after our food, also our horses, mules, and camels. We put up in their tents, where we were very well treated; but this was not done without an object, for the Armenians are very fond of their own interest. After some days we arrived at Tocat (Tokat).

4.

In this town, which lies among mountains, we remained eight days, after which we started again with the whole caravan, keeping our eyes ever open as we advanced, by reason of the robbers who often on these routes attack caravans. This is the reason why men travel armed, and at night sentinels are set on watch on every side, so that no one can come near the encampment. One day it happened that there was a great alarm, some horsemen having appeared who wanted to rob us. Twenty two of our mounted men went out against them, and prepared to attack them ; but the robbers took to flight. Still, one of them was caught; his horse being much out of condition, could not gallop like the others. He was made prisoner [...]

[Page 4] [...]In these journeys one has to be extremely vigilant, taking care never to go any distance from the caravan, for those who do so run a very great risk of falling into the hands of clever thieves, and of losing both goods and life, as has happened to many. If any traveller intends to make this journey, he will do well to arm himself with a great deal of patience, and take good thought of the hardships and disagreeables which he will have to encounter on these roads. For it is not as in Europe, where there are inns in which all the necessities and comforts requisite for life are to be found. When travelling in Turkey, you must sleep on the ground on a piece of carpet, or on the top of some bale of goods, where you suffer from the cold. Then, in the middle of your sleep, you are roused hurriedly to get ready and load up the camels and horses, and start on your way. During the day you are much troubled with the heat of the sun. Often it happens that the Turks seek you out and assail you with much abuse, and subject you to much indignity and shame. In these encounters it is wise to hang your head down like a Capuchin, and not open your mouth. At times it is necessary to bear slaps on the face with humility, and even endure beating with a stick, for fear of worse happening. For if a hand is raised by chance against a Turk, such person is forthwith either forced to become a Mahomedan, or he is decapitated. The greatest favour accorded to him would be to let him go free after cutting off his hand. It is requisite to [Page 5] inform all who mean to travel in these regions that they must not wear anything of a green colour. Turks only may wear clothes of that colour. This remark applies to Turkey, for in Persia and in the Mogul Empire Christians can wear any colour they like. But the Turks are very particular about green, it having been liked and approved by the false prophet Mahomed.

No traveller need expect to find wine on the journey, for only water is drunk. In order never to be without water, it is necessary to have a bottle hanging from, or attached to, the beast on which one rides, and thus be able to have recourse to it in case of need. The bottles so used are easily procurable, and are sold ready for use. The merchants who go on these journeys also carry with them nets, with which they catch fresh fish. Many buy a kind of boiled sour milk, called jugurd in the language of the country. It is put in a say (? sieve), so that the water in it may drain away; and in that way it can be kept several days. We ate it several times mixed with water, putting in it biscuit or dry bread, or it was mixed with pelos (? ' pilao '). It is very palatable. When any dwellings are met with you can get eggs, butter, fowls, goats, and a few kinds of ripe fruit. But it is advisable to carry with you some dried fruit, meat fried in butter and packed in leather vessels ; also sausages and puddings of salted beef, for it is at times impossible to obtain any food. And the best advice that I can give is, not to allow your curiosity to carry you so far as to look into the earthen houses of the country, or examine the peasants who dwell in them, for thereby one runs the risk of a thousand mishaps and evil fortune.

5.

After having passed over this wearisome road in the midst of dangers and across swamps, we arrived at Erzerum, where are to be found many Armenians, for it is a town with a great trade, lying upon the Turkish frontier. There we remained six days. [Page 6] Good bread and plentiful supplies are found in the town, but the Turks there are dishonest boors ; they examined our baggage with great severity (a common occurrence at this town, one of which all travellers complain). We were able, however, to conceal several presents that we were carrying for the King of Persia. At the end of the six days we left the town and continued our journey. After marching for two days, we came to a fortress built in the rock on the top of high ground ; at its foot was a small town called Hassamcala (Hasan -qala'h).When we had passed that place, and on the same day, the men of Erzerum examined our baggage a second time, to see if there were no merchandise hidden by us ; and although we had very few things, they insisted on our paying customs dues a second time, finishing up by cursing us as they bade us fare well. However, we had made over to an Armenian the swords that we were taking as a present for the King of Persia ; we had also confided to him a box in which were the letters of the embassy. This man had taken another route, and overtook us during the night at a place where we were free from the attempts of such-like people.

Next day we continued our march, and after going on for eight days, we reached a stream called the Aras, over which one has to cross several times. In the end, by slow degrees, we arrived on Persian territory, where we had the consolation of being both freer and more honoured than in the country which we had just left. In due time we came to Erivan,a region which once on a time belonged to the Armenians, and thus there are still a great many of them living there. Erivan is situated just in front of a great mountain called Ararat. They say that it was on this mountain that the ark of Noah rested. At a distance of some ten leagues from the town the mountain looked as if entirely covered with ice on its summit, and when the sun shone on it, its appearance was splendid. There are many [Page 7] brooks at the foot of this mountain, and the ground is covered throughout the year with sweet-smelling flowers. The town is enclosed by very thick and strong walls of earth, so that cannon would not be able to do as much damage as they would on a wall of stone, the reason being that the stones fracture while the earth does not. The country round is fresh, fertile, delicious, abounding in oil and fruit. We halted for ten days.

6.

[...]On the following day, according to the usage in regard to all ambassadors who come to the King of Persia, we were well received in the greatest pomp by the governor, who gave a banquet, and presented to the ambassador four horses and several pieces of silk. Then he issued orders that every day our wants were to be carefully attended to ; we and our animals were to be fed plentifully. We remained in this place ten days, receiving numerous visits and passing our time agreeably, the pleasure being enhanced by seeing ourselves in a land of plenty, and in the midst of a people more polite than those we had just left behind.When we were ready to make a start, the governor sent a horseman and several armed men on foot to accompany us, as it is the habit to do for all ambassadors. These men go on ahead and get ready whatever is required for food and repose in the villages. Thus we were relieved of all trouble and exertion.

7.

At the end of five days we arrived with our followers at the town of Tauris (Tabriz). This town is the same as the ancient Ecbatana, built by Arfaxad, King of [Page 8] the Medes, as may be read in the Book of Judith, chapter i. At present it is inhabited by people of various nationalities : there are many Armenian merchants; many carpets are manufactured, and also pieces of silk, velvet, and brocade. [...] We dwelt for some thirty days in this place, where we equipped ourselves and got ready new clothes to be worn on our arrival at the court of the King of Persia. He was then at Casbin (Qazwln). We were forced to have new clothes, those we had being of Turkish pattern.

Before entering the town, I noticed an open place where stood two pillars which marked the distance that a stick had been thrown by Sultan Morad (Murad) the Grand Signor, when he came to take Tabriz. But it seems almost impossible that a man should be able to throw a stick so far. I noticed also that the town is fairly large, surrounded by gardens which contain fine trees yielding good fruit. There are many mulberry trees, so that they have much silk, of which they make various kinds of stuff.

At the end of thirty days we started again, accompanied as before, and with the same retinue. As we went along, I saw that the land did not produce so many trees, nor was water so plentiful as in Turkey; for in Persia they are forced in many places to bring water from a great distance through underground channels. They make big holes to see if there is running water beneath, and whether it is sufficient. In the open country there are certain dry plants on which the sheep subsist and grow fat. They have very long and broad tails, from which much fat is obtained, and their wool is excellent. The skins of these sheep are very soft, and the wool curly ; it is usual to make fur coats from them, and also hats. I have also noticed in Persia that there [Page 9] is no firewood, and in place of it they burn cow dung, also the droppings of camels,horses, asses, and sheep

At the end of thirteen days we arrived at the city of Qazwm,where the king, Xaabas (Shah 'Abbas) , was. We were conducted to a house made ready for the purpose, and after three days a captain came, accompanied by several cavalry soldiers, to visit the ambassador on behalf of the chief minister of the king. He presented congratulations on our arrival, with many compliments and offers of service. Subsequently the ambassador paid a visit to the chief minister, called Etmadolat ('Azamat-ud-daulah), which means " Modesty of Wealth" by whom he was well received with many polite speeches and compliments, in which the Persians are never wanting.

[...] Meanwhile, after eight days from our arrival, we were sent for to the royal palace, into which we went through numerous gates, ending in a large courtyard, in the midst of which stood two beautiful trees full of shade. Beneath them were two lions fastened with heavy golden chains ; before each lion was a large golden basin full of water. Also below each tree stood a well-dressed man with long moustachios reaching to his shoulders, in his hand a short spear all of gold, with his face turned towards the royal [Page 10] seat. We went on our way, and next came to an open hall which had twenty beautiful gilt pillars, ornamented with many kinds of floral designs and many-coloured enamels. Here we seated ourselves in the expectation that the King would come out.

An hour afterwards the King arrived in great state, whereupon all rose to their feet, and crossed their hands on their breasts, and made a bow with lowered heads. This, too, was done by the ambassador, seeing that this was the custom of that court. Then, approaching the king, he delivered to him the letter, which the king took with his own hand and placed in that of the chief minister, who stood at his side.

The king seated himself in his place, and the master of ceremonies, who was close to the ambassador, pointed out to him his place, which was the fifth on the right hand . He was to sit there. On taking his seat, he presented a breastplate, a head-piece (morion), and sword-mountings, all of fine work made at Paris. All these were accepted by the king,who looked at the ambassador with a pleased face, saying to him that he was delighted at his coming. All this was spoken through an interpreter, an Armenian, who was in our employ. Then he asked after the health of the King of England, inquiring if he had any brothers, if he were married, how old he was, and whether he was loved by his people. To all these questions the ambassador replied, and after the lapse of one hour the king rose, saying to the ambassador that he should take rest and recover from his fatigues. Meanwhile he forwarded to Espahao (Isfahan) the letter brought by the ambassador in order to have it translated by a Capuchin friar named Frey Raphael Dumans, 1 well acquainted with the Turkish and Persian languages, a priest of great virtues, loved by the king and all the court.

The letter having been translated, the king sent to the ambassador an invitation to come to court, [Page 11] where he gave him a banquet at his own table. It was given in the hall already described, which was decorated with rich carpets, and seats covered with rich brocade, and handsome cushions. In the assembly was the king seated in the midst of ten persons. That is to say, on his right hand 'Azamat-ud-daulah, then three of the great officials, and in the fifth place the ambassador, and on his left hand other five men, who were the chief generals then actually present at court.

Below the royal seat, which was raised the height of a foot, there were on each side thirty persons, all men of rank and position.

They placed in front of the king twelve large basins of gold filled with polas (pulao) of various kinds, and four dishes of different roast meats, six porcelain vessels holding various other meats, and several boxes having their covers ornamented with all sorts of precious stones. Each of those who were on the two sides of the king had the half of what the king himself had placed before him ; and the sixty who were farther down, away from the king's side, had each of them four basins of pulao. At this banquet wine was absent, and although the king knew how to drink a drop or two, on this occasion he refrained as a matter of dignity. When the first course was finished, the second was brought, consisting of much fruit and numerous sweet dishes.

The reader will be pleased to learn what pulao means. Pulao is rice cooked with many spices: cloves, cinnamon, mace,pimento, cardamoms, ginger, saffron, raisins, and almonds, to which is added the flesh of sheep, or fowls, or goats, and the whole dressed with plenty of butter. They make these pulaos of many sorts and of different flavours.

9.

When the feast had ended, the king rose and said to the ambassador that he might start for the city of Isfahan, for which he himself would set out in a few days. This sending off of milord was because they were waiting for the answer from Smyrna, whether [Page 12] it was true that he had been sent as an ambassador by the King of England, Charles II., and whether he was of the rank that he claimed. At the end of six months the answer came, as I shall mention presently. Meanwhile we had spent fifty days in this city of Qazwin, and every day there came to us food in abundance for every one of our people, with sufficient wine, and whatever was necessary for our animals.

The city of Qazwin stands in the midst of several mountains ; it has sufficient water, many gardens, and much fruit, a fitting place for the holiday resort of a king, however great he may be, where he can go out after game, with which the country is well supplied.

10.

We came out of Qazwin to start for Isfahan, and neither at the time of leaving nor during the journey were the accustomed supplies delivered to us. None the less, we managed to make our journey in sufficient comfort, and in twelve days we reached Isfahan, where there was made over to us as a dwelling a large house with a lovely garden. It was the property of the general of the king's artillery, who was then in Qazwin. There we fed ourselves at our own expense.

Finally, at the end of three months, when winter had passed, the king arrived at Isfahan, and we were obliged to leave that house where the general lived, and they made over to us another [...][Page 13]

When eight days had elapsed from the visit to the wazir, the ambassador was invited to a grand banquet in a beautiful palace that the King had recently com [Page 14] pleted. At its gateway stood the large and handsome cannon which were captured at Ormuz. They were near a large reservoir of nice appearance and very pleasant [...]The seat was larger than in Qazwin, with greater richness, and the room more beautiful. In it were sundry officials and captains, who stood [...]

[...]the table was laid ; it was much more imposing and more highly adorned than the one at Qazwin. The place where the king was seated was larger, and the carpets of greater value and more beautiful. The king's whole table vessels were of gold with covers, having handles ornamented with [Page 15] precious stones. In the lower seats were on each side fifty men, all nobles, including a few men of learning. Among these the king ordered me to take my seat. Each person had four plates full of pulao, also various dishes of roast and fried meat, and some of pickles. I noticed that all these men were of large frame, tall, and well made, with huge moustachios, which some of them had twisted round their ears, so that they might not fall on their shoulders. All were well clad in rich stuffs, and wore enormous turbans. Many of them ate voraciously.

The first course being finished, they set before us the second, consisting of a great quantity of fruit, which in Isfahan is very plentiful [...]

Some days elapsed after the above invitation, when 'Azamat-ud-daulah sent to the ambassador from the king fifty pieces of gold and silver brocade, velvet, and various-coloured silk, four pairs of handsome carpets, and 2,000 patacas, which arrived just at the right time ; for the ambassador had run into debt with certain Armenian merchants, and with this money he paid his debt. After a very few days the ambassador went to the house of 'Azamat-ud-daulah, where he remained a long time in consultation, the subject being the following:

The ambassador demanded a favourable reply, say ing that it was necessary for him to leave. 'Azamat ud-daulah made use of many friendly expressions, but was not desirous of answering the proposition laid before him. By putting questions he feigned an eagerness to know whether England was a large kingdom, how many men it could place in the field, [Page 16] if there were a route to it by land. He appeared to be much amazed that all the Kings of Europe, being themselves Christian, did not afford succour to the King of England [...]

11.

During the time the ambassador was in Isfahan, the king decided to have a parade of his armed force, and make a display of his power. For this affair he sent an invitation to the ambassador. We repaired to the very large royal hall, containing forty pillars, which has an outlook on the great square.In this hall the king takes his seat but rarely, and only when he has a review of his cavalry. These reviews are held twice a year ; each time they last three days.

We went one day only. We saw the cavalry enter at one side of the plain and march out at the other. The soldiers, forty thousand in number, were mostly clad in mail, and bore maces; some squadrons had lances, others bows and arrows, others matchlocks. All were mounted on good and swift horses, and they carried standards bearing devices [...]

12.

[...]'Azamat-ud-daulah began a very long way off by remarking that the King of Persia was a great friend of the King of England, and cherished for him the same amity that he had felt towards the former kings, his ancestors ; he greatly desired to assist that king, chiefly owing to the great necessity of the case. This was the reason that he had postponed his reply, while he searched for and considered ways in which he could give assistance. But he could find no manner of so doing. The Persian cavalry and the rest of their troops could not be sent, by reason of the great distance, by the land route. On the road were many kingdoms through which they must pass. Thus it was impossible to be of any use by sending an armed force. Then he had sought for some means of helping him by way of the sea ; but to send a great fleet he saw was extremely difficult. In Persia they had no ships, and, should they attempt to construct them, they had not sufficient materials for the purpose [...][Page 18] [...]

When 'Azamat-ud-daulah had finished this long speech, the ambassador began as follows : First of all, he expressed his thanks for the great efforts that the King of Persia and 'Azamat-ut-daulah had taken to assist the King of England. Then, half making fun of 'Azamat-ud-daulah's many words, he said to him that he himself had a much easier method of remedying all this, without giving trouble to the Persian monarch, and without fatiguing the Persian soldiers, so famous throughout Europe. This plan was that the King of Persia should pay, cash down, the money due on the bill owing to the King of England. He had not come all that long journey in search of cavalry, nor a fleet, nor ships, but of a debt in arrears. [...] 'Azamat-ud-daulah, in a deceptive manner and smiling, said that his king wished to pay, but, seeing that the amount demanded was very large, it would require a great number of beasts of burden, that it would be necessary to pass through other kingdoms, that possibly he might be robbed on his way. Nor was the difficulty met by saying that he could carry the amount by sea, for all the world knew what risks were run at sea, both of being attacked and of being wrecked, whereby the whole amount would be lost.

The ambassador's answer was that, if they gave him the money, he knew quite well how to take care of it and remove it in safety. If they paid over to him a sufficient sum, the King of England, his master, would have no other demand to make. He would hold himself satisfied, according to the orders he had [Page 19] received, as set forth in the letters that he had presented. This he said with a certain show of emotion, for by this time he saw that their object was to pay him in words [...]

13.

-the land of Persia was free-to all and the king declined to turn out anyone unless he had been guilty of an offence

[...]the ambassador said not a single word, but rose hastily, came forth, and returned home. When he had arrived there, he by and-by gave an order for the sale of some pieces of cloth and some carpets which still remained, to provide for our road expenses [...]

[Page 21] [...]On arriving home, we took measures to prepare ourselves without delay for continuing our journey In fact, we did so at the end of nine days, and the ambassador not being provided with sufficient funds for our expenses, he applied to the head of the English factory at Isfahan, who was called Mestre Jhon (Mr. Young), a very short man, but most generous and very liberal, as I made note of from the feasts and offerings which several times he had given to the said ambassador.

14.

The city of Isfahan is very large, situated in a great plain at the foot of some low hills. It has four canals of water, which flow through the midst of it, and these serve for irrigating the gardens. These canals issue from a river which flows between Julpha (Zulfah) and Isfahan ; its name is Senderuth (Zindah-rud) ; over it are four bridges somewhat distant from each other. Of the four, two are especially handsome namely, the one on the road from Isfahan to Julpha (Zulfah). You approach it by a long and wide raised way,adorned on both sides with the great and beautiful walled gardens of the king, and with high trees, called in Persian "chenar" (chanar), and in European languages, planes. In the midst thereof flows one of the aforesaid canals of water, which fills various reservoirs for the use of the said gardens, and goes on its course until it reaches again the river from which it was taken. Horses are ridden on the raised way.

There are many seats where the Persians imbibe tobacco from crystal "guriguris", called by them "caliao"(qaliyan), which are long and narrow-necked circular flasks filled with water, having a vessel of tinned copper or of silver in the shape of an open flower of the water-lily stuck into its (the flask's) mouth, and filled with tobacco. With this they sit, [Page 22] telling stories until late, sometimes, without exaggeration, as many as five or six thousand of them.

The second bridge, which is the finest of them all, is called the bridge of Xiras (Shiraz), thus named because when going from Isfahan to Shiraz you cross over it. This bridge consists of three stories, besides the chief one, which is in the middle.The king goes there sometimes with his harem, and he can descend to the water without being seen. By all these stories you can cross from one side of the river to the other. The water runs over dressed stones, made artificially high or low, so as to produce waves pleasing to be hold.

I noticed that the houses of Isfahan and those throughout Persia, seen from the front, are not pleasing, being all made of clay ; but they are lovely inside, and highly decorated. They have both large and small gardens, with good fruit-trees that is to say, pears, apples, peaches, apricots, mulberries, sweet and sour quinces, like the apples of Europe, vines of Boas Vuas, and vineyards of Vuas, grapes without stones, which are called " quiximis "(kishmish), many kinds of plums and all the varieties of flowers that grow in Europe ; for the Armenians are very fond of growing European flowers, and present them to the Persian nobles. The Persians, as also the Moguls, are fond of flowers and perfumes.

In front of the royal palace is a large plain, where throughout the year stand fruit-sellers' booths, and a large quantity of exquisite melons. Here they drink coffee and smoke tobacco ; the place is always full of people going and coming. Here are to be seen dancers, wrestlers, and other performers. In one corner of this open square is a palace where musical instruments are played; and there stands the clock found by them in the fortress of Ormuz, which they preserve as a memorial of their victory over the Portuguese. The city is always clean, due to the energy of the gardeners, because with what is removed from [Page 23] the streets they manured their gardens.They collect most industriously the sewage from the houses for the same purpose. This is a great help to keeping the air pure, by not allowing dirt to accumulate in the city. There are also many baths where the body may be washed. The soul also profits (as they believe), for when they wash themselves they imagine themselves to be absolved from their sins.Ablution serves among the Mahomedans and speaking always with due reverence like confession and absolution among us Catholics. In the city are two factories-one of the English, the other of the Dutch. There are also four churches, one of the Portuguese Augustinians, which the present king caused to be entirely gilded at his own expense, and he went there several times to see our ceremonial. Another church belongs to the bare footed Carmelites, another to the Jesuits, another to the Capuchins.

There are also in the city many mosques, among them a dome with two tombs, which are much venerated. The door of this dome is only opened once a year, on the occasion of a great festival, to which flock people from different provinces on the appointed day. One tomb they assert to be that of 'Ali,the other they state to be that of his sons Assen (Hasan) and Ossen (Husain), who are revered as martyrs. Others declare they are tombs of the companions of Muhammad, although he had no Court or courtiers.

15.

We were now to continue our journey, wherefore we begged the help of Mestre Jonh (Henry Young), who gave to the ambassador the assistance he required. We wished to leave Isfahan in company of the said Mestre Jonh (Henry Young), but we could not conclude our business in time. He left several days before we did, and we left at the end of September of one thousand six hundred and fifty-two (1652). During our journey to the town of Xiras (Shlraz) [Page 24] we obtained good supplies of food, but the road is somewhat difficult, owing to the mountain ranges which must be crossed, where horses are fatigued not a little in trying to keep their feet. But I must allow there is also some fine open country, notwithstanding there are some very difficult swamps. The mountains are like all those in Persia-that is to say, generally bare of trees, though not wanting in fodder for sheep and goats, which in some places produce the stone called b'azar (bezoar).Of these stones I will speak when I come to write of the kingdom of Gulkhandah, where there is an abundance of them.

The sheep of Persia are very prolific ; they bring forth young twice a year, by the help of a grain called chicharos on which they are fed at a certain time of the year ; and their wool is of the sort already described.

16.

Finally, at the end of fifteen days' travel, we arrived at the town of Xjras (Shiraz), where we stayed for thirty days, the ambassador having fallen ill [...] The air of this town is very fresh ; there are many gardens with good fruit, and the country round produces a quantity of grapes ; consequently they make a great deal of wine, which is exported to all parts of India. Although the law of the Mahomedans forbids the drinking of wine, still the King of Persia permits the English to make it ; but they only produce enough for the company, and not to sell to others. In this region there is no deficiency of food produced, of oranges, of lemons, nor, above all, of roses, which they distil, and the rose-water is forwarded in boxes to all parts.

One of the wonderful things round Shiraz is a famous building standing at a distance approximately of two leagues, where dwelt, as they declare, the great Darius, King of Persia, who was defeated in battle by [Page 25] Alexander the Great. There is also a mountain in which is a cave where drips a liquid called by the Persians mumihay (miuniyal). This liquid belongs to the king exclusively, and thus the cave is closed by doors and guarded by vigilant sentinels. It is the business of these men to collect the liquid (which drips in minute quantities) and then forward it to the king. When he wishes to make a gift to anyone, he gives them a little of this liquid. This is on account of the admirable results it produces that is, for all bruises, fractures of bones, and sores. When the ambassador began to recover his health, we quitted Shlraz, and in nine days we were at the fort of Lar, which they say was formerly much larger, with a great enclosed space [...]

17.

During our journey from Shiraz as far as Lar, we were in excellent health, but were in some concern lest we should not find water for drinking ; for on the roads the water which is used is that collected during the rainy season in great cisterns. The earth being salt, the water which flows over it acquires the same property, and therefore is not potable. For this reason they preserve water in cisterns, in which there are all kinds of filth, and it is only out of absolute necessity that one feels inclined to drink.

In spite of this defect of water the country was sufficiently humid, and many places had their gardens of oranges , of palmtrees, and date trees, bearing dates. In Lar we obtained sufficient food-supplies, but water only of the quality already described. There was water below ground in channels, as is the custom over almost the whole of Persia. The fort of Lar is placed upon a small hill standing in the midst of four other hills of the same size. Thus the fort in time of war is in want of protection from good walls and dependent edifices, for any enemy who occupied the aforesaid hills could easily attack the fort.

18.

After a day's rest we left Lar and journeyed through open and agreeable country, coming to different "sarays" ( saraes), where we obtained grapes and melons for our consumption. We moved between hills of salt ; we crossed several streams, whose crystal clearness invited us to drink, but their waters were so salt that no one could even pass them over his tongue. Among the rest is a stream called Ryo Salgado (the river of salt), over which was a great bridge of more than thirty arches. In nine days, after sufferings enough, we arrived at Gomoram (Gombroon), of which the other name is Bandarabassi (Bandar 'Abbasi), meaning "Harbour of Shah 'Abbas'"; for, being a port on the sea, it is called "Bander" (bandar), and having been established by the Great Shah 'Abbas, they have added "abassi" and have come to call it Bandarabassi. This harbour was made by Shah [Page 27] 'Abbas, after having recovered from the hands of the Portuguese, with the aid of the English, the famous island and fort of Orumus (Hormuz).

This island was formerly the greatest and most frequented port on the ocean, where dwelt traders to every region in India men of great wealth so that a merchant possessing more than a million of patacas (about

£100,000) was not a man of very great account. Shah 'Abbas considered that by making himself master of Hormuz, and transferring the port to the mainland, lying not over a league from the island, he would be able to draw all this wealth into Persia

[...]

After we had been in Bandar 'Abbas three days the ambassador ordered me to go to the English factory to speak to the chief, requesting him to send a trustworthy person to discuss certain negotiations of great importance. Next day the chief himself came with the officials of the factory to visit the ambassador. Offers were made to him to serve him in every way they could. At the time there was an English vessel belonging to a private owner, about to sail for the port of Surrati (Surat). They asked the ambassador to embark in her, as she would be the last vessel to leave Bandar 'Abbas in that monsoon. Then we ate mutton which came from Hormuz, also good and cheap fish caught in the harbour.

19.

The water at Bandar 'Abbas is either rain-water or brackish, and of such bad quality that it disorders the [Page 28] bodily humours, and generates worms as long as your arm, which appear on the hands, jaws, and legs. When they begin to show themselves, you must lay hold of them by the head, and pull at them daily, winding them round a hide (? twig) or cloth very slowly. For if they break they turn inwards, causing great pain, and becoming very difficult to cure. For this reason everybody who can do it sends to fetch water by camels from inland, three leagues off, at a place called Hixin. The climate of this port is most noxious by reason of the salt ridges, and of certain hot winds, and the noise of the sea. I noted that many of the inhabitants had defective sight and teeth, and I was informed that on this coast, as far as Arabia and Mecca, they suffered from these ailments by reason of the many dates that they cat ; for the larger number of the inhabitants live upon that fruit in addition to fish.

20.

Two days after the visit that the Englishmen had paid to the ambassador that is to say, on the fifteenth of December of one thousand six hundred and fifty-two (1652; should be 1655)- we went on board the said vessel. During the whole of our voyage the captain treated us with great politeness and civility. Setting sail, we arrived in twelve days, having favourable winds, at a port in the Great Mogul's territory called Sindi. Here we saw many Arabian and Persian vessels which import great quantities of dates, horses, seed-pearls, pearls, incense, gum mastic, senna-leaves, and Jew's stones, which come from Mecca. In return they load up with white and black sugar, butter, olive oil, and cocos, which medical men call nos Indica (Indian nut). Of this product and its virtues I will make mention [Page 29] farther on. They also export many kinds of white linen (? cotton cloth) and printed goods, which are manufactured in the same region. When the business was finished that our captain had to do at this place, we left it, and returned to the vessel. Setting sail, we arrived in a few days at the port of Surat on the twelfth of January of one thousand six hundred and fifty-three (1653;correctly 1655-6) [...]

21.

I was much amused when I landed to see the greater number of the inhabitants dressed in white clothes, also the many different kinds of people, as well men as women. The latter, mostly Hindus, do not conceal [Page 30] the face as in Persia and Turkey, where women go about with their faces hidden. [...]I was much surprised to see that almost everybody was spitting something red as blood. I imagined it must be due to some complaint of the country, or that their teeth had become broken. I asked an English lady what was the matter, and whether it was the practice in this country for the inhabitants to have their teeth extracted. When she understood my question, she answered that it was not any disease, but (due to) a certain aromatic leaf called in the language of the country, pan, or in Portuguese, betele. She ordered some leaves to be brought, ate some herself, and gave me some to eat. Having taken them, my head swam to such an extent that I feared I was dying. It caused me to fall down ; I lost my colour, and endured agonies ; but she poured into my mouth a little salt, and brought me to my senses. The lady assured me that everyone who ate it for the first time felt the same effects.

Betel, or pan, is a leaf similar to the ivy-leaf, but the betel leaf is longer ; it is very medicinal, and eaten by everybody in India. They chew it along with "arrecas"( areca), which physicians call Avelans Indicas (Indian filberts), and a little catto ( kath or kattha), which is the dried juice of a certain plant that grows in India. Smearing the betel leaf with a little of the kath, they chew them together, which makes the lips scarlet and gives a pleasant scent [...][Page 31]

[Page 31] It is an exceedingly common practice in India to offer betel leaf by way of politeness, chiefly among the great men, who, when anyone pays them a visit, offer betel at the time of leaving as a mark of goodwill, and of the estimation in which they hold the person who is visiting them. It would be a great piece of rudeness to refuse it.

We remained for seventy-five days in that port- i.e. Surat [...] During this time we were making our preparations for going on to the court of the Great Mogul. I was much gratified at seeing such plenty in this place, for I had never had such a satisfaction since (I left) my Venice, and felt proud at staying some days in this port, especially after the arrival of the French [...]We started from Surat, bearing a pass port given us by the governor, and in fifteen days we reached the town of Brampur (Burhanpur), where [Page 32] was the court of the prince Aurangzeb, with whom we had much to discuss. We did not meet with him, by reason of his being at that time in Orangabad (Aurangabad).

22.

We found Brampur (Burhanpur) a town of medium size, and without a wall. Aurangzeb, in the year one thousand six hundred and seventy-six, being then absolute king, caused it to be enclosed by a bulwark and wall along the bank of the river which flows beneath it. This river is not very large, but its waters are very clear and good. The town is much frequented by Persian and Armenian traders, on account of the many kinds of excellent cloth manufactured there, chiefly various sorts of women's headdresses ( touca) and cloth for veils (beatilha), scarlet and white, of exceeding fineness; also for the quantity of iron to be procured there.

In this town there is plenty of fruit, such asambah, or mangas (mango) the best fruit to be found in India oranges, limes, citrons, and grapes in abundance. There is also in this town, as throughout the kingdom of the Mogul, a large supply of vegetables of various sorts. On the road to this town we found every day different streams and brooks with good water, also villages, shady and pleasant woods, peopled with many varieties of animals of the chase, such as harts, stags, gazelles, wild oxen (ores), peacocks, cooing doves, partridges, quail ( cordernizes), blackbirds ( tordo), geese ( patto), ducks ( ades), widgeon ( marecas), and many sorts of birds [...][Page 33] [...]

We delayed eight days in Burhanpur, then, resuming our journey, we came in six days to a river called the Narbada, where there was a town called Andia (Handiyah) ; there was also on the bank of the above-named river a little fort situated at the crossing-place. This river is of great breadth, and full of large stones. Its waters divide the lands of the Dacan (Dakhin) from those of Industan (Hindustan), which word means " Hindudom" (gentilidade, place of the heathen).

We crossed the river, and after going eight days through jungle, we arrived at a large town called Seronge (Sironj), which in old days was founded by a Hindu prince, but at present the overlord thereof is the Grand Mogul. This town lies in the midst of the territories of several Hindu princes of the Rajput tribe. Of these the nearest and the mo'st powerful is the Rajah Champct Bondela (Champat Rae, Bundelah), whose country extends to twenty leagues from Agra [Page 34] (Agrah), and he has command over fifteen thousand horsemen and three hundred thousand infantry.

For the use of wayfarers there are throughout the realms of the Mogul on every route many "sarais"(saraes). They are like fortified places with their bastions and strong gates ; most of them are built of stone or of brick. In every one is an official whose duty it is to close the gates at the going down of the sun. After he has shut the gates, he calls out that everyone must look after his belongings, picket his horses by their fore and hind legs ; above all, that he must look out for dogs, for the dogs of Hindustan are very cunning and great thieves [...]

We halted four days in Sironj, and then went on our way across inaccessible mountains, with numer[Page 35] ous beautiful trees, and traversed by crystal streams whose waters are most whole some, doing no harm to those who drink them fasting; rather are they beneficial and most palatable. In six days we reached the town of Narvar (Narwar), which lies at the foot of a great range of hills six leagues in circumference. On the very highest point of these hills is a fortress, which occupies all the level ground on the summit, with a circumference of two miles a little more or less with many houses and rooms, a work made long ago by the Hindus. But in the course of years, and by the inclemency of the weather, the walls are crumbling away, through the negligence of the Mogul king. His object is to destroy all the strong places of the Hindus of which he can get possession, so that their conquered princes may not rebel against him. His only anxiety is to fortify and supply the forts that are on the frontiers of his kingdom [...]

23.

In five days we arrived at the well-known fortress of Gualior (Gwaliyar), where it is usual for the Mogul to keep as prisoners princes and men of rank. This fortress is on the top of a great mountain having a circuit of three leagues. It is in the middle of a fertile plain, and thus there is no other high ground from which it could be attacked.

There is only a single road to ascend it, walled in on both sides, and having many gates to bar the way, each having its guard and sentinels [...]

On the crest of the mountain is a great plain, on which are sumptuous palaces with many balconies and windows of various kinds of stone, and delightful [Page 36] gardens irrigated from many crystal springs, where cypress and other lovely trees raise their heads aloft, so as to be visible from a distance. Within this fortress is manufactured much oil of jasmine, the best to be found in the kingdom, the whole of the level ground on the summit being covered with that shrub. There are also in this district many iron-mines, of which numerous articles are made and sent to the principal cities in the Mogul country.

In the town, which lies at the foot of the hill, there dwell many musicians, who gain a livelihood with their instruments ; and many persons maintain that it was on this mountain that the god Apollo first started Hindu music.

Continuing our route, we came in three days to the river called the Chambal, at which is the town named Dolpur (Dholpur), where Aurangzeb gave battle against his brother Dara (Dara Shukoh), in the year one thousand six hundred and fifty-six (correctly, 1658), at which I was present, and to which, further on, I shall refer. Thence, in four days, we arrived at the city of Agrah, having ended by doing four hundred ;md sixty leagues, for such is the number reckoned from Surat as far as Agrah. At this place the governor assigned to us a handsome house to stay in.

We remained in this city,and, a few days after our arrival, the English men who at that time were present at their factory came to visit the ambassador, showing themselves desirous of being ful to him, making him frequent and handsome offers [...]After several visits they invited him to their house, where they gave him a splendid feast, with dressed meats and beverages after their style. The ambassador complained very much of the great heat that has to be endured in that country, and the English offered him a powder, declaring that if he mixed it and drank it he would experience great relief and coolness.

24.

When a few days had passed we resumed our route for Dely (Dihli), where at that moment the king, Shahjahan, was living. Then, after three days from our leaving Agrah, towards the evening, when in sight of the place where we meant to halt for that night, the ambassador called out to me in great pain, asking me for water. Then he expired without allowing me time to give it to him, those being the last words that he uttered. He died on the twentieth of June of one thousand six hundred and fifty-three (correctly, 1656), at five o'clock in the evening. We carried the body at once to a sarae called Orel (Hodal), between Agrah and Dihli, and, it being already late, we did not bury him that night. The official at the sarae sent notice to the local judicial officer, who hastened to the spot, and, putting his seal on all the baggage, laid an embargo upon it. I asked him why he seized and sealed up those goods. He answered me that it was the custom of that realm, and that he could not release the things until an order came from court, they being the property of an ambassador [...]

[Page 38] [...]After we had buried the ambassador I wrote to the English factory at Agrah informing them of his death and the embargo imposed by the local official on his property as well as mine, wherefore I prayed them to send me the necessary recommendatory letters. I received no answer ; but eight days afterwards two Englishmen appeared, one called Thomas Roch (? T. Roach) and the other Raben Simitt (? Reuben Smith), dressed after the fashion and in the costume of the country, men in the service of the king Shahjahan, and captains of the bombardiers in the royal artillery.

They came to visit me, and when I saw them I asked what they had come about. They informed me that they had come under the king's orders to carry away the property of the ambassador, which lapsed to the crown. To that I retorted by asking if they bore any order, whereupon they laughed, and asked who I might be [...][Page 40] [...]

The Frenchman assured me that the English men had not seized the goods by order of the king, but that Thomas Roach, learning of the ambassador's death, had sent in a petition to the prince Dara, by whom he was favoured, in the following terms : ‘A man of my country, a relation of mine, came from Europe, his purpose being to obtain the honour of serving under your highness, but his good fortune was of such little duration and so scanty that he was unable to attain his desire, being overtaken by death on reaching the sarae of Hodal, whereupon those who govern in that place laid an embargo upon his goods. Therefore I pray as a favour that your highness be pleased to issue orders for their delivery to me.’

The prince dealt with this petition as Thomas Roach hoped ; but Rabcn Semitt (Reuben Smith), getting word of what Thomas Roach was about, held it not to be right that he should acquire the whole of the ambassador's property, that it must be divided between the two of them. Thus he (R. Smith) accompanied him (T. Roach) as far as Hodal. Should he not consent to a division, he (R. Smith) threatened to tell the whole story to the king. Thomas Roach accepted the situation, so as not to lose the whole. This was the story told me by Clodio Malier, who bade me adieu with much civility and many offers of service. Being thus informed of what was going on, and confiding in my knowledge of the Turkish, but more especially of the Persian language, which is that chiefly used and the most current at the court of the Mogul, I resolved to go to the secretary of the king, whose name was Vizircan (Wazlr Khan) to lodge a complaint. For this purpose I went to his house, and obtaining permission to enter, I reported to him what [Page 41] was going on. He directed me to sit down opposite to him, alongside one of his sons, who was of my age.

The secretary asked me whether I knew the accustomed mode of making obeisance before the king by those who enter his presence. I answered that I did. As he displayed a desire to see me do this, I arose, stood quite erect, and bending my body very low until my head was quite close to the ground, I placed my right hand with its back to the ground, then raising it, put it on my head, and stood up straight. This ceremonial I repeated three times, and this is done to the king only. The secretary was delighted to see a foreigner, young in years and newly arrived in the city, make his obeisances so confidently. I was dressed like a Turk, with a turban of red velvet bound with a blue ribbon, and dressed in satin of the same colour, also a waist-cloth of a gold-flowered pattern with a red ground. He was amused to see me got up like this, and asked the reason for adopting such a costume, and why I did not adopt the Mogul fashions, whereupon I acquainted him of the journey that I had made and the countries through which I had passed.

During this time a notice reached him that the king had decided to hold an audience tjhat morning. Then, rising at once, he took me with him to the palace, telling me that it was requisite for me to go with him before the king [...]

25.

I noted that the throne on which the king, Shahjahan, was seated stood in front of and near to the palace of the women, so that as soon as he came out of its door he reached the throne. It is like a table, adorned with all sorts of precious stones and flowers in enamel and gold. There are three cushions- a large one, five spans in diameter, and circular, which serves as a support to the back, and two other square ones, one on each side, also a most lovely mattress: for in Turkey, and throughout the whole of Hindustan, they do not sit upon chairs, but upon carpets or mattresses, with their legs crossed. Around the throne, at the distance of one pace, are railings of gold of the height of one cubit, within which no one enters except the king's sons. Before they enter they come and, facing the king, go through their obeisance, then enter the palace and come out by the same door from which the king issued. Arriving there, they again make obeisance, and upon a sign from the king they take their seat in the same enclosure, but at the foot of and on one side of the throne. Thereupon the pages appear with the umbrella, parasol, betel, spittoon, sword, and fly-brusher.

Below the throne, several feet lower than it, a space is left, sufficient for the secretary (? wazir) and the greatest officials of the court. This space is sur [Page 43] rounded by a silver railing. Near it stand "grusberdares" ( gurz-bardars) -that is to say, the bearers of golden maces, whose duty it is to carry orders from the court to princes of the blood royal. After a descent of a few more steps there is another space of greater size, where are the captains and other officials, also the "grusberdares" ( gurzbarddrs) with silver maces, who convey the orders of the court to the governors, generals, and other princes. These are placed with their backs to a railing of wood painted vermilion, which surrounds the space.

The hall in which stood the royal seat is adorned with twenty highly-decorated pillars, which support the roof. This roof stretches far enough to cover the spaces enclosed within the silver railing, and is hidden half-way by an awning of brocade. Further, a canopy over the king's throne is upheld by four golden pillars.

Outside the wooden railing is a great square, where, close to the railing, stand nine horses on one side and nine on the other, all saddled and equipped. Near to the pillars are brought certain elephants on every day that the king gives audience, and there they make their obeisance, as I shall describe when I speak of the elephants. Behind the horses already spoken of were four handsomely - adorned elephants, and in the square a considerable number of soldiers stand on guard. At the end was a great hall, where were stationed the players on instruments, and these, upon the king's appearing to give audience, played very loudly, to give notice that the king was already in the audience hall.

The silence preserved was astonishing, and the order devoid of confusion. For this purpose there are officials, whose business it is to see that the people are placed in proper order. Some of these officials held gold sticks in their hand, and these came within the silver railing. The others carried silver sticks, and they took great heed that throughout [Page 44] the court nothing was done which could displease the king [...]

26.

The next day, about nine o'clock in the morning, there came two servants of the secretary ( wazir) to fetch me. They took me to his palace, where I found him seated in the same hall where I had spoken to him the day before. As I came in I observed that the ambassador's property was lying there. I made the usual obeisances to the secretary ( wazir) [...][Page 45] [...]

The secretary ( wazir) told me to sit down beside his son who was in front of him ; he said he would give me many things, and making me great promises, said to me, that if I consented to remain in his house he would treat me like a son. In case I did not agree, he did not mean to give me anything. My answer was that I could not live in his house, that I cared very little about the loss of my own things, but should grieve a very great deal if he did not give to Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young) those that were his.

Upon this the secretary ( wazir) asked me minutely which were the ambassador's and which Mestre Jonh's (Mr. Young's) things. I pointed them all out in detail, one of the secretary's clerks taking the whole down in writing. I told him that besides these goods Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young) had lent the ambassador the sum of four thousand patacas (about £800),and an Arab horse (already in the secretary's ( wazir's) possession. Finally, I begged leave to return to my abode, and he, in sending me off, directed me to return in two days to speak to him in the same place.

Accordingly this I did, and he said to me then that he had spoken to the king, who ordered that the property should be sent to the Governor of Surat for the purpose of being made over to Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young), with the exception of the Arab horse, which the king kept for himself, giving an order to pay to the said Jonh (Young) one thousand patacas,the price at which it had been valued. He took nothing else but the litter which was destined for him.

After this I made a fresh application to the secre [Page 46]tary ( wazir) that he would order my property to be given to me ; but his answer was that the whole must go to Surat and be made over to Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young), who, if he liked, might give them to me. Thus he was unable to dispose in any way of this property. But if I consented to live with him, he would give me a great deal more, and repeated that he would cherish me as his son, and many other promises. For all these words and the kindness he had displayed I gave him thanks over and over again ; but as for living with him, that could never be. It was not right for me to do so, being a Christian. The secretary ( wazir) cut short my speech, and, losing his temper, said angrily : ‘You do not know that you are the king's slave.’

Hearing these words, I rose to my feet, and answered that Europeans were not, and never would be, slaves of anyone ; and in great haste I left the hall, resolved to give my life rather than live in his house. Coming out at the door, I vaulted lightly on to my horse, and took rny way somewhat hurriedly, dreading lest the secretary (wazir) might send some one after me to attack me. Then my groom warned me that two foot soldiers were hurrying after us, trying to overtake us. Then I turned my horse round, and, putting my hand on my cutlass, set off to face them. I asked what they wanted. They made me a bow, and answered that the secretary ( wazir) sent me ten gold rupees for the purchase of betel. I took them and went on my way. I was determined to return to Surat that I might find myself among Europeans.

At this time I met Clodio Malier, who carried me off to his house, and there I told him of my resolve. He did not approve. Then by his arguments he succeeded in persuading me. Having got as far as the court, what was the good of leaving it again without first seeing what then was there, so that I might report on the riches and greatness of the kings of [Page 47] the Mogul, exceeding the riches of other kings, (as may be seen in the course of this my book) ?

As I was a youth, carried away by curiosity, but still more by the friendship shown to me by Clodio, and reflecting that I had already in him one friend who could do me some good in this kingdom, and be of help to me in some affair, I determined to remain where I was.

After three days had elapsed, Clodio Malier was sent for to the palace of Prince Dara, who inquired if he knew of the arrival of a European youth ,who had come with the ambassador of England, and a few days before had appeared in the king's presence to make a complaint of injuries done by a captain of artillery and other Englishmen. Clodio answered that he knew me well, that, seeing me unprotected, he had taken me into his house, adding that I was a youth of quality. He wished that, before allowing me to leave the Mogul kingdom, I should see something of the king's and the princes' riches, so that on my return to Europe I might declare the wealth and grandeur of the Moguls [...]

27.

When I reached his presence, and had made the usual obeisances, he asked me if I could speak Persian, and put some other questions with a pleased and friendly expression on his face. He was delighted at seeing a youth of not more than eighteen years and a foreigner, with such quick-wittedness that he had learned to make the proper obeisance without any shyness. Then I answered the questions, showing myself acquainted with Turkey and Persia and other important matters. The whole of my replies were in Persian, by which I proved to the prince that I could speak sufficiently well the language about which he had asked me.

At the conclusion of the above talk he directed that the ambassador's letter be given to me. It had already been opened ; and I was directed to translate it into Persian. The letter was in Latin, written in letters of gold, and it differed but little from the letter presented to the King of Persia. Being thus already acquainted with the business, I had little difficulty in translating it. Next the prince asked what the letter was written on, for it seemed to him like a skin, and not paper. I answered that it was of vellum skin, and it was the usage for European kings, when forwarding letters to far-off kingdoms, to have the more important matters written on vellum skin, in order that they might be better protected against the inclemencies of the weather and of the journey than they would be if they were on paper.

At the end of this conversation Dara asked me if I wished to remain for a time in the Mogul country, to which I replied affirmatively. He said to me with [Page 49] a smile on his face: ‘Would you like to enter my service ?’ As this was the very question, and none other, that I was hoping for, I replied that I should have put to very good use the wearinesses and fatigues of my journey if I had the good fortune to serve under so famous a prince.

28.

He then directed that every month they should give me eighty rupees of pay, a sum equal to forty patacas. He ordered them to deliver to me at once, in his presence, a serpao( sarapa) and thirty rupees and a good horse. He put me in the charge of one of his trusted eunuchs called Coja Mosquis (Khwajah Miskin), with instructions to look after the little European and see that he was well trained and educated. I returned thanks to the prince, and seeing how well Dara was inclined towards me, I prayed for leave to entreat another favour that is to say, the liberty of the two English prisoners ; and through the mediation of the prince, they were released in a few days by order of the king.

I came out from the prince's presence. Although Dara desired that Khwajah Miskln should teach me the court ceremonial in order to turn me into a courtier, I took means to prevent my being made into a Mahomedan. So I did not go to seek out the said Khwajah Miskln, but kept in the company of the Europeans. Some of these were surgeons, but the greater number artillerymen in the Mogul service, an honourable employment. For European artillerymen who took service in that branch had only to take aim ; as for all the rest the fatigue of raising, lowering, loading, and firing this was the business of artificers or labourers kept for the purpose. However, when Aurangzeb came to the throne, he, seeing the insolent behaviour and the drunkenness of such-like men, deprived them of all their privileges, except that of distilling spirits, and forced them to do sentry duty like other soldiers, thus leaving them with no estimation or reputation in the army [...]

29.

[...]For some time I dwelt in the house of Clodio, and when I had acquired the means, I hired a separate house. Then came a man to me and said that he would put me in the way of gaining money. I inquired from him what it was he wanted. He told me that he wanted nothing beyond permission to distil spirits under my protection and close to my house. He would give me ten rupees every day; thus I should be put to no expense : all I had to do was to assert that he was my servant. I agreed to the bargain, and out of regard for me no one said a word to him, for the Europeans in the service of Dara had this privilege of distilling spirits and selling them without hindrance.

Finding myself with sufficient pay, and in good condition, I wrote to Mestre Jonh (Henry Young) at Surat, giving him notice of the king's orders how he had ordered all the ambassador's property to be placed in the hands of the governor of Surat with directions to make it over to him. After some months he replied that he had then received delivery of everything. When I left Venice I already knew sufficiently how to speak the Italian language, and in addition a little French. During this journey I learnt the Turkish and Persian languages. Finding myself established in India, I now set to work to learn the Indian tongue [...]

30.

[...]On finding that the king Shahjahan had delivered himself with all his authority and his army into the hands of Prince Dara, everybody seized their weapons, there was great uproar, each man acting on his own inclination. More than one hundred thousand horsemen assembled and more than twenty thousand infantry. There were one hundred pieces of field artillery, every one of them carrying shot of from eight to twelve pounds ; in addition there was a twenty -pounder culverin, and over two hundred European artillerymen. There was no want of subordinates, of shopkeepers who furnish supplies for the sustenance of the whole realm and army, a large number of sarrafos ( sarraf) who provide the cash required by the whole army, many majestic and well-armoured elephants, and five hundred camels. On each of the latter was a man seated atop with a swivel-gun, carrying a ball of from three to four ounces, which he loaded and fired without dismounting. There were also five hundred elephants with their howdahs, and in these sat two men with two guns like those upon the camels.

[Page 53] After all these preparations we issued from the city of Agrah on the 14th May in one thousand six hundred and fifty-six(correctly 1658). When on the march we covered the ground as far as the horizon, making a brave and splendid show. What disconcerted me was that no one would say that Dara was sure of gaining the battle with all this grand array.

The greater number of the soldiers that Dara had newly enlisted were not very warlike; they were butchers, barbers, blacksmiths, carpenters, tailors, and such-like. It is true that on their horses and with their arms, they looked well at a review ; but they had no heart and knew nothing of war. If only Sulaiman Shukoh had arrived in time, there would have been no need of men like these, nor of Khalilullah Khan. The wife of the latter had warned Dara to put no reliance on her husband nor trust his soft speeches, for she knew him well, and given the occasion, he would inevitably engineer some treachery. Nor should he rely upon the thirty thousand Mogul troopers in his father's service.

Shahjahan earnestly desired that Dara should not offer battle until Sulaiman Shukoh had arrived. But Dara's two brothers and enemies came on with such haste that they left him no chance of delaying. I have been assured that Aurangzeb professed such determination as to say that if Taimur-i-lang and all his descendants came against him, on no account would it be fitting for him to retreat. He was resolved to give battle, putting his faith in the traitors to be found in Dara's camp.

When placed in the field our army was so well distributed that it looked like a lovely city adorned with beautiful tents, flying innumerable flags of all colours and different shapes, each tent having its own flag and device so that it might be recognised [...]

31.

We began the march in such great order that it seemed as if sea and land were united. Prince Dara amidst his squadron appeared like a crystal tower, resplendent as a sun shining over all the land. Around him rode many squadrons of Rajput cavalry whose armour glittered from afar, and their lance heads with a tremulous motion sent forth rays of light. There were other squadrons of cavalry armed with lances, in front of whom went many ferocious elephants clad in shining steel with chains on their trunks, their tusks encrusted with gold and silver, and broad cutlasses affixed thereto by rings. In advance was one with a handsome flag, and the driver, who guided the elephant, was armed with armes blanches(sword and shield).

A marvellous thing was it to behold the march, which moved over the heights and through the vales like the waves of a stormy sea. Thus we held on our way for four days, until we reached the bank of the river Chambal, where was a village called Dolpur (Dholpur). Our powerful army took up position on this ground, and entrenched the crossing, placing its pieces of artillery to cover the most exposed points.

We awaited the enemy, who was already near ; he appeared afar off after three days. Being fully prepared, and in every way desirous of finding ourselves engaged in battle, we begged for leave to attack the enemy. But Dara, for two reasons, would not consent : the first was that he was waiting for Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh and his force, who could not be very long in coming ; even if they were delayed, he was sure that the enemy would never risk a crossing at this place, which was well occupied and fortified. The second reason was the inadvisability of attacking the enemy in a situation full of hollows and rocks, and altogether a dangerous place.

At this time Aurangzeb persisted in his usual [Page 56] stratagems and intrigues. After having encamped his army on the farther side, not far from the river, he called together his generals. He said to them that they must be prepared to deliver battle, and be every one ready with his force of cavalry. In making haste lay their chance of victory, and full of confidence in their courage, he hoped in a brief space to be victorious. They could not postpone the battle, seeing the danger of Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh's arriva [...]l

32.

[...]It was the 1st of June of one thousand six hundred and fifty-six.(i.e.1658) We made use with great labour of the water in the ponds in the open fields, and the heat was stifling. Between the two armies there was not more than a league and a half's distance. During the time we were taking up ground for our army the rest of Aurangzeb's force continued to join his ranks, but the whole of his artillery and baggage had not arrived. Having detailed information of everything in Aurangzeb's force, and knowing his men were exhausted, Dara wanted to commence the action. But the traitors intervened on astrological grounds by saying that neither the day nor the hour was favourable [...] [Page 59] [...]

The presumption that I found in Dara afflicted me, seeing him give credit to the words of traitors. But I consoled myself a good deal, being so young, with the hope of getting some experience of war. On the whole I did not feel satisfied, finding that Dara was not making the exertions required for the good ordering of such a huge army. He had no sufficient experience in matters of war, having been brought up among the dancing-women and buffoons of his father, and gave undue credit to the words of the traitors.

On the 3rd of June, at midnight, the enemy fired three pieces of artillery, the signal agreed upon with the traitors, showing them that Aurangzeb had now made his dispositions for giving battle at daybreak. We replied with other three shots. After one hour had elapsed Dara emerged from the camp through the midst of our artillery, for which it was necessary to take down my tent to allow a passage for his exit with the few cavalry in his retinue.

A short time afterwards I mounted my horse and went forth out of curiosity to know what was going on, this being the first battle that I had been able to see. Trusting to my good horse, I went on, and [Page 60] halted on a height adjoining an uninhabited village ; thence I saw, though it was still dark, many horsemen leave our army for that of Aurangzeb, and never return.

Almost at daybreak there came forth from the army of Aurangzeb several camels laden with bombs, escorted by some horsemen and many men on foot, who halted in the village and distributed themselves at considerable distances. As the light grew clearer I saw that Aurangzeb was advancing very leisurely with his whole army. It was formed into five divisions of cavalry.

In the first division, placed in the middle, was the strong and valiant Aurangzeb seated on a large elephant, accompanied by fifteen thousand horsemen, well armed with lances, bows and arrows, and matchlocks. At his right hand he had his son Sultan Muhammad, and Mirbaba (Mir Baba), his foster brother, to whom on this occasion he gave the title of Badercan (Bahadur Khan), at the head of another fifteen thousand horsemen. The third division, on the right hand of Sultan Muhammad, had also fifteen thousand horse under the command of Nezebetcan (Najabat Khan) and other generals. The fourth division was composed of another fifteen thousand well armed cavalry, with whom was Prince Murad Bakhsh, seated on a lofty elephant, which rose like a tower in the midst of his squadrons. With him sat his little son.

The remainder of Aurangzeb's army consisted of one division of problematical value, made up of low-class men of unwarlike habits, in addition to baggage, carts, camels, and unloaded oxen ; these had their place on the left of Murad Bakhsh. Behind followed all the artillery. As this army continued its advance in tranquillity, so I in the same manner retired until I saw that they had arrived close to the deserted village [...]

33.

I awaited the approach of our army, in order to take my place. But seeing from afar that it did not stir, I went back close to it, where there were several scattered horsemen. There I halted to look at it, and consider our great army and its disposition. I noticed that while I had been away to look at the army of Aurangzeb, Dara had arrayed his forces in the following order : The artillery was all in one row, and each carriage bore two scarlet pennons. This row of guns served as a wall to protect the musketeers behind it, to the number of twenty-five thousand men. These were supported by five hundred camels with swivelguns ( trilhoens) ; to their rear stood the armour-clad elephants, and then the cavalry, twenty-eight thousand horsemen. Last of all was Dara on his magnificent elephant, followed by numerous elephants carrying drums, trumpets, and all manner of music, forming his retinue.

In the division to the right of Dara was Ramsing Rotella (Ram Singh, Rathor) with his fifteen thousand Rajputs, all well-armed men of war. On their right was Khalllullah Khan with thirty thousand Moguls, whose orders were to encounter the miscellaneous division of which I spoke, this being his (Khalllullah Khan's) own pretext. On the left hand of Dara was posted the valorous general Rustomcan Dacanj (Rustam Khan, Dakhini) with fifteen thousand horse in all ; at his left Raja Chartersilara (Chhatarsal Rae) with fifteen thousand horsemen, the greater part of them Rajputs. All this array made a lovely sight, both by the beauty of the arms and by the number of standards and pennons of so many colours [...][Page 65]

Owing to the great disorder of his people, caused by the valour of Dara, Aurangzeb, who was not very far away, ran great risk of being taken. But he disregarded the danger, and ordered a large division of his best cavalry, which was close at hand, to take up the resistance to Dara's advance. He tried to raise the courage of the few soldiers left to him by calling to the principal men, each by his name, saying, " Mardaney delavaram bahader vactas " ( Mardani, dilawaran-i-bahadur ! waqt ast ) that is to say, ‘Men of power, valour, and courage ! now is the time !’ Then, raising his hands to heaven, he exclaimed : "Hia Coda, hia Coda!" ( Yd Khuda! Ya Khuda !)- ‘O God! O God ! In you is my trust ! I will sooner die on this spot than give way.’ Placing his hands upon his morion, he ordered them to attach iron chains to the feet of his elephant as an attestation of his resolve. He pricked his elephant a little onward to reanimate the leaders who had gathered round him, all pledging him their word that they would yield their lives in his sight, rather than recede one single step.

Dara's design was to continue his advance until he had closed with Aurangzeb, and could attack him in person. But owing to the difficulties of the ground, and to the fatigue that over came him, he made a short halt. This hindered his winning the day ; for if he had kept his original rate of progress and maintained the vigour of his onslaught, the victory was his. Aurangzeb could have made no resistance with the small force left round him, for with a few men it was not possible to repel his enemy's victorious fighters, full of bravery and strength [...]

[Page 67] [...]What happened was that the astute traitor Khalllullah Khan, using the pretext of a good chance of seizing Aurangzeb, came to Dara and acclaimed him as victor, and spoke to him thus : ‘I know well that I have been in many battles and campaigns, and beheld the mighty deeds of renowned warriors, yet never have I heard of a prince like your highness, who, appearing for the first time in the battlefield, accomplished such valiant acts. One thing alone remains to display to the world your qualities that is, the capture of Aurangzeb. I feel compassion for the fatigues your highness has already undergone, but it would be wrong to lose such a good opportunity. Yonder stands Aurangzeb with a scanty following ; [Page 68] let us go at once and seize him, as can be done without any difficulty. Let your highness be pleased to descend from your elephant and mount your horse, and ride at the head of your own cavalry and the squadrons committed to my charge. We will go together to the attack. It was for this alone that I saved my division, seeing that up to now there was no necessity for my engaging.’

Poor Dara ! Without fully considering what he was doing, and what would follow when he was no longer to be seen on his elephant, towards which all turned their gaze ; but relying on the soft words of the traitor Khalllullah Khan, by which he allowed himself to be persuaded and deceived, he took the advice, as it appeared to him that what had been said was very true. He alighted from his elephant, and this was as if he had quitted victory ; for the soldiers and commanders, who in the midst of the battle kept an eye on Dara, not seeing him on his elephant, assumed that he must be already dead. For this reason they were thrown into great confusion.

I myself was in astonishment and in great dismay, not knowing what to imagine, finding all in confusion and Dara no longer visible on his elephant ; meanwhile the whole army was fleeing to the rear, like dark clouds blown by a high wind, seeking safety for their lives in the belief that Aurangzeb, although still at a good distance, was already upon us. Dara, on beholding this great confusion and flight, fell into deep thought and saw now the mistake he had made and the plot laid for him by Khalilullah Khan. He repented him of the fault, but it was too late. Full of wrath and raging, he asked where was the traitor Khalilullah Khan. Let him be sought for and brought, for he meant to slay him. But the traitor was already far off. His lord having dismounted from his elephant and mounted his horse, he (Khalilullah Khan) rejoined his division, with the object of transferring himself and his soldiers to the side of Aurangzeb. The [Page 69] soldiers who followed him did not exceed five thousand horsemen ; the rest of those under his command were soldiers of King Shahjahan. But these latter fell into disorder like the others, finding themselves without a leader to direct them, owing to the treachery that had occurred.

These events of the battle which I have related occupied some three hours. The affair beginning at nine o'clock in the morning, it was near midday the rout took place. A great many men and a still greater number of horses and other animals were killed. The reason of this was that our horses were much out of condition, and not used to the heavy work of a battle ; while, on the contrary, Aurangzeb's horses were not overfed and were used to work. Other causes were the great heat prevailing, the want of water, and the excessive dust. It seemed to me more died in this way than by injury from weapons [...]

The miserable and unfortunate Dara, by a hurried flight, reached the gates of the Agrah fortress at nine o'clock at night, and sought some repose. But he did not want to enter, fearing that Aurangzeb might invest it and thus prevent his exit, when he would fall a prisoner and be abandoned by everyone. At the same time he was greatly ashamed at appearing before his father. He remembered that Shahjahan had wished to be present in the battle, but he had withheld consent, whereat he was now exceeding sorry. So far had he lost his wits that he knew not what he said or did [...]

34.

At the same time, Shahjahan ordered to be sent to Dara mules laden with gold coin. He suggested his proceeding to the city of Dihli, and taking all the horses and elephants in the royal stables. Orders were sent to the governor of Dihli to open the gates to Dara, and to deliver to him the fortress, with all the treasures and other things within it. He was to be received with the same ceremonial and deference as if it were he (Shahjahan) in propria persona. For the execution of these orders trusty and well-known persons were sent in his suite, carrying letters to the above effect. He was advised to remain in Dihli, and not proceed farther. He (Shahjahan) gave his word of honour that he would do all he could to seize and chastise Aurangzeb. He would keep him (Dara) informed of everything that happened. [...]

[Page 71] [...]After this talk Dara repaired hurriedly to his mansion, and ordered the removal of all the precious stones that could be carried off. At midnight he made a start, taking with him his three wives, his daughter Jani Begom (Jam Begam), his little son Super Xacu (Sipihr Shukoh), and some chosen slave girls. On his departure for the city of Dihli he was followed by some five hundred soldiers, for the most part slaves of his household. It was a great affliction to see such a down-come.

On arriving at the city of Dihli he sent at once the orders of his father to the governor, requiring him to make over the fortress. But the governor, already averted by the letters of Aurangzeb, to whom he was well affected, declined to comply with Shahjahan's orders [...][Page 72]

On learning that Dara was resuming his journey and making for Dihli, I decided that very instant upon rejoining him. But my steed was so worn out that he could hardly stand, just as were those of everyone who reached the city that night. I decided to take a rest for twenty-four hours, and after that to start and go in search of Dara.

[...]at nine o'clock in the morning I made a start, riding my horse, followed by a loaded camel and some servants. Issuing from the city, I saw several squadrons dispersed in the plain. As I imagined these to be our men, I decided to join them. Then I saw that a body of some five hundred horsemen with its commander was bearing down upon me. On its drawing near, the leader advanced from it, attended by two horsemen. When quite close he asked me lovingly where I was going. I replied without subterfuge that I was on my way to find my master, Dara. He took compassion on my youth and innocence, and said to me that if I followed his advice, I should return home, for if I proceeded farther I ran great risk of losing my life. This captain was so generous that, to protect me, he escorted me safely to my house.

If he had not done this, there can be little doubt I should have been plundered by others posted on the road, or even by his own soldiers, who betrayed [Page 73] every desire to plunder me had he not prevented them. Seeing me into my house unharmed, he advised me not to leave it again. The government had already changed hands, and Aurangzeb was victor. For that time I had escaped, and I looked out for a safer opportunity to start in search of Dara, for whom I had a great affection. If Aurangzeb had not barred the way, all Dara's people would have gone on to rejoin him. But they could not then do it, as I have told you, for they came in tired out by their flight, and their horses quite exhausted.

I remained in the city of Agrah, and observed the way in which Aurangzeb forwarded his designs. For on the eighth of the month of June, one thousand six hundred and fifty-six (correctly, 1658), four days after the battle, Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh arrived at Agrah. They posted their army close to a garden called Zafarabad (Ja'farabad or Zafarabad) near the city, at a distance of two miles [...]

Finding himself already practically with control [Page 74] over all the nobles at court, and Shahjahan securely lodged in prison, Aurangzeb appointed his maternal uncle, Shaistah Khan, governor of the city of Agrah. Taking out of the treasury whatever money he wanted, he and Murad Bakhsh started in pursuit of Dara. The latter was already in Lahor raising a new army, having lost all hope of aid from Sulaiman Shukoh.

On the day that the two armies quitted Agrah, which was in the beginning of June, I disguised myself as a holy mendicant and joined their train, meaning to stick to the service of Dara [...]

[...]hearing that Dara had decided to raise a fresh army in the province of Lahor, I started as a humble mendicant for the city of Dihli. There I remained some fifteen days, awaiting the assembling of more travellers. For the villagers and thieves were plundering on the highways, and created a good deal of tribulation to travellers, robbing and slaying them. They were forced to do their stages with arms ready in their hands, while pursuing their way. Each night we took shelter in thesaraes, where we were able to [Page 75] take some rest in security. Every day we halted at noon to feed and rest the animals; and at two in the afternoon we resumed our march, until we reached another sarae somewhere before sunset. Once on this journey we were resting at midday near a town called Panipat (Panipat), distant from Dihli four days' journey

[...]

we had entered into a [Page 76] wood, through which we had to pass. When within it, I beheld with terror the greater number of our party heaped together, either decapitated or wounded, and all plundered and ruined ; the few who survived were stripped naked. The cart-man, frightened to death at the spectacle, wanted to drive off with his cart across the jungle without attending the dead and wounded lying on the road [...]

I continued my journey, always in fear of thieves, until I reached the river called Bear (Biyas or Biah), where I found an officer, Dautcan (Da,ud Khan), who, quitting Sulaiman Shukoh, had come to join Dara through jungle and desert by a very difficult route, where he had been in fear of his life. This he did for the love he bore him (Dara). The latter had entrusted him with sufficient artillery, cavalry, and infantry to bar the passage of the river to Aurangzeb.

I presented myself to him (Da,ud Khan), and as he recognised me, he treated me with much honour and granted me a passport for my onward journey. Without such no one could go on to the city of Lahor. [Page 77] There I arrived at four o'clock in the afternoon, when Prince Dara was actually seated giving audience. Quitting the cart, I threw my small wallet across my shoulder, and taking in my hands my bow and seven arrows, I entered the palace. When my commander Barcandas Can (BarqandazKhan) saw me, he advanced to greet me, and after embracing me with great affection, he led me joyfully to the presence of the prince, just as I was. There I performed the usual obeisances, and he (Dara) with exceeding gladness exclaimed in a loud voice : "Xabas! xabas !" (Shabash! shabash!)-that is to say, "Bravo! bravo !" [...]

35.

After this speech Dara asked if other European Farangis accompanied me. To this I answered that the hardships of the road hindered many from coming, but as they found a chance they would come. Dara ordered a horse to be given to me, which was at once brought. Not liking the look of it, he directed them to give me another and better one. He increased my pay, making it in place of eighty rupees one hundred and fifty rupees every month. An order issued for a present to me of five hundred rupees with a "serpao"; (sarapa). I put up at a house where several of my European friends were staying - they had got away from Agrah before it was invested-and with them I dwelt [...]

36.

[...]Dara sent an order to withdraw the few men and guns posted at the river crossing. He directed his powder-magazine to be blown up, which was speedily done. He then left Lahor in the end of October one thousand six hundred and fifty-six (correctly 1658). He took with him the whole of his family, and at the head of eight thousand horsemen started for the city of Moltan (Multan), which lies on the bank of the river Ravi, the same river as at Labor. The distance of that city (Multan) from Labor is ten days' journey

[...]Thus I told him plainly that the favours I had received from Dara left me [Page 79] under such obligation that I would sooner lose my life than miss an occasion to prove my gratitude to my king. For Dara I would sacrifice my person ; and if he did not believe me, let him send twenty horsemen with me to my house, which was close by . I would then come back with them. Thus I spoke to him, having absolutely the intention of killing him, although I should lose my own life, if he refused. But God was good to me ! For the Turk accepted this my ultimatum, and sent with me twenty horse men with express orders to bring me back to his presence.

I got on my horse highly delighted, and went on faster and faster, paying no heed to their telling me to go slowly. They urged on their horses to overtake me. This irritated me, so I turned in my seat with an angry face, and, laying hold of my sword, so threatened them that they were afraid and drew back. They contented themselves by following me at a distance until I went in with a rush into the house of a friend, leaving the escort at the door. Directly I had got inside, I seized a musket that was standing in a corner, and then went for them, discharging the piece to frighten them. Next, laying hold of my sword, I shouted, "Strike, strike!" though without much hope of success. But they, supposing there were a number of us, scattered in all directions [...]

[Page 80] [...]Fixing my turban more firmly, angry and resolute, sword in hand, I spurred my horse, on which I relied a good deal. I flung myself into their midst, and they, seeing my anger and resolve, were not bold enough to attack me, only having enough presence of mind to salute me and leave me a free passage. They followed me afar off, relying upon others who had been sent in my pursuit. To these it happened as to the first lot, and they all followed me up to my issuing from the city. I then got rid of them and went on my way.

After three days I arrived in the army of Dara, where I found the officer who had tried to carry me [Page 81] off by force from Lahor. I told him I had come to lay a complaint against him before Dara. He had been the cause of other Europeans not accompanying me, who subsequently had decided to remain where they were owing to the bad way he had treated me. The Turk, on hearing this, embraced me with the greatest sub missiveness, and begged me to suppress my grievance for the sake of his good name.

We continued our marches till the early days of November, when we arrived at Multan, an ancient city where in old days, before the Portuguese were masters of the Eastern seas, there came many cafillas (qafilah) of merchandise and spices and drugs of India. With us marched the great Da,ud Khan who, spurred by the loyalty and affection that he had to Dara, would not abandon him, offering through others to serve him faith fully, as he had done for many years. But Dara did not trust him, led astray by the forged letters that Aurangzeb continued to write.

To impose on the people of Multan, Dara made believe that he intended to stop in that city and enlist troops. He began to repair the houses in which formerly Aurangzeb lived when he governed that territory. He ordered them to send for the relations of a false prophet, then deceased, called Coia Bahaudim (Khwajah Baha-ud-dln) that is to say, ' Price of the Law'- one greatly venerated by the Mahomedans, who is buried in the middle of the city in a great dome covered with blue tiles, an ancient building. He earnestly entreated them to intercede for him with Muhammad that he might favour him and give him the victory over Aurangzeb [...][Page 82] [...]

In order to gratify them, and bind them still more to his interests, Dara made them a present of twenty-five thousand rupees and a covering of costly stuff to be spread on the tomb of the false prophet (i.e. Baha-ud-din). But on their being sent for again the next morning, they came with the same answer, and it was the same on the third day.

When Dara was informed that Aurangzeb had left Lahor in pursuit, he lost faith in his prophets, and held it best to with draw from Multan. For this purpose he gave orders that all the boats, five hundred and seven in number, should be made ready for a voyage towards the fortress of Bhakkar. They were loaded with supplies of food requisite for a beleaguered citadel ; they also put on board eight cannon carrying shot of from sixty to one hundred and twenty pounds' weight, besides light artillery, ammunition, and the necessary materiel of war. Each boat carried, more or less, a hundred tons of cargo [...]

[...]Finding that he was pursued, Dara was compelled to move. He ordered the boats to be started down the river, putting in command of them a valiant eunuch, Coia Vacent (Khwajah Basant) that is to say, "Springtime." The prince left by the land [Page 83] route at the head of five thousand horsemen and five thousand infantry. Dara's favoured general, BarqandazKhan, went with him ; most of the others deserted, as did those that he had taken on at Multan, carrying off the large sums of pay that he had dis bursed to them [...]

37.

[...]We continued our marches, suffering somewhat from failure of supplies, and several times from want of water. We passed through several rough woods, and arrived opposite the fortress of Bhakkar in the middle of the treacherous river of Sind, thus called after the union at this place, distant one hundred and thirty leagues from Multan city, of seven large rivers, which further on I will tell you about . There we found the valiant eunuch, Primavera, occupied in the disembarkation of the big guns and the other munitions for the said fortress. At this time Dara received word that Aurangzeb's troops, commanded by Bahadur Khan, sent in pursuit of us, had already arrived quite near. He saw that he could not resist such a strong force ; he therefore ordered with all possible haste two thousand selected men -Pathans, Sayyids, Mughals, Rajputs twenty-two Europeans of different nationalities, and other servants to occupy the said fortress. The command was given to the eunuch Primavera. The remainder of the army was ordered to cross with the same haste to the other side of the river and seize all the boats to be found there, in order to hinder the enemy's crossing at that point [...]

[Page 85] [...]I was overcome with tears and sighs at this parting ; and seeing the downcast state in which I was quitting the presence, he had me called back. He then made me captain of the Europeans, and ordered them to give me five thousand rupees to divide among my men, and doubled my pay. It had been one hundred and fifty, and he made it three hundred rupees. He gave me his word that if God made him king he would create me a noble of his court, and reward my men, in whose loyalty he had much confidence. He added the present of a "serpao" (serapa), and directed that I should receive a boat-load of Persian and Kabul wine. He recommended me earnestly to Primavera, the eunuch, and told him to look well after me and my men. After shedding more tears, I left and went into the fortress with the eunuch, while Dara departed thence, taking all the boats. Hardly had he gone when we heard the drums of the enemy, and the report came in how Aurangzeb had left Multan for the Agrah direction in the greatest haste, in the fear that Sulaiman Shukoh might come down from the mountains of Srinagar.

After he had sent us away, Dara set out for the port of Sindi by land, ordering all the boats to assemble at that place for his departure [...]

38.

While Dara was renewing his strength in the province of Gujarat, the enemy began a most rigorous investment of Bhakkar fort, where we were shut up along with the loyal and valiant eunuch Primavera, No one could get out, no one could enter. This fortress is in the middle of the mighty river Sindi (Indus), founded upon the live rock, stones from which could be used as flints for muskets. The fortress was nine hundred and seventy-five paces long and five hundred and fifty-three broad. In the middle was a "cavalier" (tower) overlooking both banks of the river. On the east was a large town called Xaquer (Sakkar), and on the west another called Ron ; at a short distance from the fort towards the north was a little island known as Coia Quitan (Khwajah Khidr), where is a tomb held in great veneration by the Moors (i.e. Mahomedans).

We were very well fortified, provided with plenty of artillery and munitions of war, and had a considerable store of gold and silver, precious stones, and a great deal of baggage. In addition to this, Dara left some ladies who had accompanied him, one wife of Sulaiman Shukoh, and two young sons much cherished by Dara as being his grandsons. His plan was that if he did not succeed in the province of Gujarat and suffered defeat, this fortress of Bhakkar would serve as a base to help him again.

After a few days of investment, the enemy prepared two batteries mounted with large cannon, left behind by Dara in the foundry at Lahor, he not being able to move them owing to the hurry with which we started, and the enemy leaving us no chance of putting them on the boats. With these they did us a good deal of damage [...][Page 87] [...] Thus the enemy gave us trouble enough ; nor did we desist from doing our duty with our guns, dismounting his artillery, damaging the towns, and killing a number of men. Several times we made sallies under cover of our artillery, swarming into their trenches, killing and destroying all we found there. Once we captured four field-pieces and a quantity of baggage lying close by them. Thus the traitor Khalllullah Khan, at whose cost the investment was conducted, was forced to send more men against us. Regardless of these reinforcements, the commandant, Prima vera, sent off before daybreak some boats with musketeers, who delivered attacks at various points and alarmed the enemy. They went on increasing the investing force until the place was evacuated, as farther on I shall relate [...]

[Page 88] [...]One of these arrows hit me on the shoulder when I was sitting in my bastion at eight o'clock at night. Withdrawing the arrow, I went with it at once, wounded as I was, to the eunuch. He gave me a robe (sarapa) and some bottles of rosewater in recognition of my fidelity [...]

[Page 89] [...]The following night, when we were off our guard, he suddenly ordered a discharge of all his artillery and musketry, which was a complete surprise to us, and the shot fell all over the fortress. I assert without Deration that a pole on which we had a small flag was pierced by three balls. But our eunuch would not pass over such-like bravado, and the next night he suddenly ordered us to fire all our guns and musketry, and discharge a number of iron bombs, to show that we had ample arms and munitions of war. This took place at eight o'clock. To prove to him still better that we were not afraid, he ordered a number of vessels of artificial fire to be set light to, so that it was clear as day. Thereupon Khalilullah Khan, finding that he could not succeed, turned his face, discomfited, towards Labor, and left us invested as before.

[Page 90] [...]Seeing how resolute we were, Bahadur Khan repaired to Prince Dara, and requested him to order the eunuch to surrender the stronghold, since, the garrison being firm in their resistance, in all probability the whole of them would come to a miserable end within the fortress. On hearing this Dara had compassion upon his eunuch and upon us, and wrote a note with his own hand, stating : " Unfortunate in the one for whom you fought, I now request and require you to deliver up the place."

When the eunuch Primavera (Basant) saw the letter, he recognised the writing, and began to weep bitterly. He wrote to Bahadur Khan that we demanded to come out with our baggage, and if he did not consent we would fling the cannon and the treasure into the river, and fight to the death with all desperation. Bahadur Khan sent back an assurance that we could leave with our baggage, but must make over the treasure, the princes, and all the materiel appertaining to the fortress. One condition was imposed: we [Page 91] must cross over to the west of the river, then eight days after he had marched we could take the road for Dihli. He made this condition because he feared might enter his camp, and do our utmost to rescue Dara. After three days we issued from the fort in which we had endured so much. For, two days before the evacuation I bought two calves for six hundred rupees, and paid one rupee for every ounce of butter. Without exaggerating, I bought one chicken for thirteen rupees [...]

39.

Now I deal with our departure from Bhakkar. After surrendering the fortress, we made over the treasure and the unhappy princes, the little sons of Sulaiman Shukoh, of whom nothing more was ever heard, and it seems as if by order of Aurangzeb they were got rid of within the fortress. After fifteen days the eunuch and all the people in the fort embarked in some boats, and we voyaged by the river to Multan against the stream, but with a favourable wind. In four-and-twenty days we reached the said city, then governed by Lascar Can (Lashkar Khan). He sent an invitation to our eunuch to honour him by dining at his house. But the eunuch replied that he would have liked it much, but the haste he was in did not allow of his accepting. He suspected some treachery, and it seems as if his heart gave him a presage of what was to befall him, as I shall relate.

At this city of Multan we provisioned ourselves for a start by land to the city of Dihli, distant five -and -twenty days' journey. One day a Portuguese, by name Agostinho Dias, begged me to abandon the company of the eunuch, because he knew of a certainty that there existed an order of Aurangzeb for his seizure and execution. We quitted Multan, and in ten days reached the city of Lahor, then governed by Khalllullah Khan. Our eunuch settled himself in a house of his own, which was on the river bank. His [Page 92] men scattered in various directions, there not being enough room in the above house. We Europeans were at a distance of half a mile from Primavera (Basant) [...]

[Page 93] [...]We saw the messenger start off at a run, and it was no joking matter, for the cavalry continued to advance, and drawing their swords shouted to the ho heard not, through the uproar that had already arisen. The house was encircled by a number of infantry, while on the river sands several squadrons rode from different directions, discharging arrows that fell like rain in the place where we were. The cavalier related to the eunuch, finding that the thing was serious, began to skirmish, pushing his horse at [Page 94] at those squadrons, with his lance at the charge, until he got stuck in a marshy place full of mire, where, unable to move, he was killed by the arrows.

The infantry tried to scale the wall, but we defended ourselves and prevented them from climbing over. Among others, we killed the kotwal's son, whereat being enraged they set upon us with still greater fury, and one resolute man leapt over behind the eunuch, and at once cut off his head [...]The man that cut off the eunuch's head and some others came against me with great rage, and seeing that our defence was overcome, I went straight to them, and, throwing my sword on the ground, stepped two paces to the front. Placing myself humbly before them, I lowered my head and said : " Slay me, slay me," and shutting my eyes I awaited the blow. But finding it came not, I lifted my head, and saw a soldier of the same troop of the enemy standing between us two. With hands extended, he was begging on behalf of God that they should not kill me . But the other most angrily, his raised sword dripping with blood, ordered him to get out of the way. He who was pleading for me said : " First kill me, and spare this other." My assailant, seeing the determination of his fellow-soldier, went off to find someone else, and left me alone. He who saved me took me by the hand and led me away, saying : " Come with me ; I want to deliver you, and place you in safety." But I, knowing the instability of the Mahomedans, said to him that as he wanted to kill me, he need practise no deception on me, as I was ready for my fate ; there was no need to remove me from that place ; but if he wanted to kill me, he could do it where we were. Seeing what was in my mind, he sheathed his sword, and gave me his word not to hurt me, but at the cost of his life would prevent others doing so, and take me to a place of safety [...]

[Page 96] [...]This affair happened at eight o'clock in the day, and my servants removed my horse to where my men were, and gave them the melancholy news of my death. All my friends were much afflicted ; and they sent off one of their number, called Ignacio Gomens, the one best liked by and the most intimate with me, to the site of the affray to make a search for my body [...]My friends supposed that after my death the Mahomedans had, without a doubt, thrown me, a Christian, into the river. So they decided they would all go the next day in search of my body, and give it burial. But I, through God's favour, was still alive [...]

40.

[...]The following day we received a message from Khalllullah Khan directing us to proceed to court to the king's presence, where we should be well received. By this we were made very contented. With us he sent a captain and thirty troopers; and in their train we reached in eight days the town of Cerend (Sihrind), which means "Head of India," as it divides the province of Lahor from Hindustan. Before our entry into the town we saw, in a field a little apart from the gate, some fifteen corpses. Asking whose they were, they replied that they were those of Jlwan Khan, and his relations and servants. After making over to Aurangzeb at Dihli the prince Dara, they had received this reward. That same king gave orders to the governor of the fortress of Sihrind that when Jiwan Khan and his men should arrive on their way to their home, he should have them stoned in this field by all the populace, and thus be both rewarded and slain (a most fitting chastisement for his ingratitude). This gave us all great pleasure, and the Mahomedans themselves uttered a thousand curses over the corpse of JlwanKhan.

From this town (Sihrind) we went on towards the court, and arrived at Dihli in seven days, where we learnt that the king was much affected by the death of our eunuch, Primavera (Basant), his orders having been to seize, but not to kill him [...][Page 98] [...]

After three days we were presented to Aurangzeb. He was very anxious for us to enter his service, recognising the fidelity and valour with which we had served Dara, and that among his own people he could not meet with such fidelity and stubbornness. Therefore, he now fixed four rupees a day for European, and for me five. My companions accepted his service, but I did not wish to do so, through the antipathy I had to him, and the point of honour I cherished of not serving under the murderer of my master. I communicated to the king my nonacceptance of employment. He caused me to be sent for once more, and asked why I did not accept service with him ; did I want higher pay than he offered ? I replied to him that I would willingly enter into his employ, but I longed to return to my native land, years having elapsed in absence from it ; and thus he allowed me to leave.

It happened that a relation of the envoy fell ill, and imagining that I was a physician, as they suppose all Europeans to be, they called me to their house [...]

When I had gone in I found the patient on a very dirty bed. I felt his pulse, but my thoughts were not given to the pulse, but to finding something I could seize on in the difficulty to effect a good recovery. Nevertheless, I ascertained that he was in a high fever, and placing my hand upon his head, bathed in malodorous perspiration, I found it was burning hot, like a pot placed upon the fire. To induce him to believe that I was a great physician, I asked the patient's age, and then for a time I assumed a pensive attitude, as if I were seeking for the cause of the illness. Next, as is the fashion with doctors, I said some words making out the attack to be very grave. This was done in order not to lose my reputation and credit if he came to die.

[Page 100] [...]I came out and repaired to a friend of mine called Joao de Souza, a Portuguese, who was under an obligation to me, and recounted to him all that had passed. As he had considerable acquaintance with medicine, he was much astonished at such a report, and did not know what to prescribe for the patient. Still, he delivered to me some pills. For three days I went on with these, giving them to the sick man, who did not seem to me to be improving. But all the men asserted to me that already he was recovering , whereat I rejoiced much [...]

Almost every day that I went there I was obliged to dine with the envoy, and I thus had the chance of observing their mode of eating. Over fifty persons seated themselves together round the cloth;the food was flesh of camels and of horses cooked with salt in water, and some dishes of pulao of goat's flesh. The cloth, spread upon a carpet, was very dirty. To wait on us were two men with bare feet, who, walking upon the cloth, distributed the food, each with a big spoon in his hand.

It was disgusting to see how these Uzbak nobles ate, smearing their hands, lips, and faces with grease while eating, they having neither forks nor spoons. The only implements each had on him were three [Page 101] or four knives, large and small, which they usually carry hanging from their waist-belt. Mahomedans are accustomed after eating to wash their hands with pea-flour to remove grease, and most carefully clean their moustaches. But the Uzbak nobles do not stand on such ceremony. When they have done eating, they lick their fingers, so as not to lose a grain of rice ; they rub one hand against the other to warm the fat, and then pass both hands over face, moustaches, and beard. He is most lovely who is the most greasy. They render thanks to God with " Alaham dilaha " (Al-hamdu-l'illahi). Each man then begins to take tobacco, and remains for a time talking. The conversation hardly gets beyond talk of fat, with complaints that in the Mogul territory they cannot get anything fat to eat, and that the pulaos are deficient in butter. As a salute to their repletion, they emit loud eructations, just like the bellowing of bulls.

Although against my will, I went on with my treatment of the sick man ; and I found out, by questioning, the kind of food eaten by the sick man when at home. He told me that, being a shepherd, he lived on camel's milk and ate much cheese and curds made when the milk turns sour. Continuing with some tonic extract of coral, I restored him to health in five days, and the envoy was so pleased that he made me a present of nine melons and a quantity of dried fruit. He entreated me to continue in his house, and did all he could think of to persuade me to go with him, promising to procure for me from the King of Balkh lands and herds of horses and camels and flocks of sheep. He said I should be highly esteemed by the king and all the court.

I was very anxious to join his suite as a means of seeing more of the world, but, as their habits did not please me, I made excuses many times that I should never get accustomed to their way of life. [Page 102] Above all, I had seen once one of their Uzbak soldiers lay hold of a small knife and bleed his horse on the neck with great dexterity. Having drawn forty ounces of blood, he closed the wound with one finger, and drank the blood with great gusto. After he was satisfied he shared the rest with his com panions, who came hurriedly, each trying to be first, like so many famished wolves. Afterwards the wound was tied up with a cloth, and the horse was left to get well of itself. I asked him why he drank his horse's blood. He replied that they were accustomed to it, because in their country, when plundering within an enemy's boundary, if provisions failed, their soldiers sustained life with the blood of their horses ; nor from this blood-letting did the horses lose their vigour. In addition to this, he told me it was their habit, when they captured any camel, horse, or sheep in an enemy's country, if they were unable to carry it off, to decapitate it, cut it into pieces, and place some pieces between their saddle and their horse's back, for consumption on the march whenever they were hungry.

On the seventh day at three o'clock in the morning the march began. First went the heavy artillery, which always marches in front, and is drawn up as an avenue through which to enter the next camp;with it went a handsome boat upon a large car to ferry the royal person across any river when necessary;then followed the baggage. In this way, when the morning broke, the camp was free, leaving only the cavalry and infantry, each in its appropriate position. With the rest, in addition to the other transport, went two hundred camels, loaded with silver rupees, and each camel carrying four hundred and eighty pounds' weight of silver ; one hundred camels loaded with gold coin, each carrying the same weight ; and one hundred [Page 103] and fifty camels, loaded with nets used in hunting tigers.

The royal office of record also was there, for the original records always accompany the court, and this required eighty camels, thirty elephants, and twenty carts, loaded with the registers and papers of account of the empire. In addition to these there were fifty camels carrying water, each camel bearing two full metal vessels for the royal use. The princes of the blood-royal marched in the same fashion, each according to his rank. Attending on the king are eight mules carrying small tents, which are used on the march when the king desires to rest, or to eat a little something, or for any particular necessity. Along with them are two mules carrying clothes, and one mule loaded with essences of various odoriferous flowers.

It is the custom of the court, when the king is to march the next day, that at ten o'clock of the night the royal kitchen should start. It consists of fifty camels loaded with supplies, and fifty well-fed cows to give milk. Also there are sent dainties in charge of cooks, from each one of whom the preparation of only one dish is required. For this department there is an official of standing, whose business it is to send in the dishes sealed up in bags of Malacca velvet,etcetera; and two hundred culles (qulis), each one with his basket of chinaware and other articles ; further, there are fifty camels carrying one hundred cases packed with sarapa (robes of honour) : also thirty elephants loaded with special arms and jewels to be distributed among the generals, captains, etcetera. These arms are of the following kinds : swords, with their accoutrements ; shields ; various kinds of daggers, all worked in enamel and in gold, adorned with different precious stones ; plumes ; also things to give to ladies, jewels to wear on the breast and other varieties ; also armlets of gold, mounted with pearls and diamonds. Again, there marched close to the baggage one thousand labourers, [Page 104] with axes, mattocks, spades, and pick-axes to clear any difficult passage. Their commanders ride on horseback carrying in their hands their badges of office, which are either an axe or a mattock in silver. On arriving at the place appointed for the royal halt, they put up the tents and placed in position the heavy artillery. When the light artillery comes up, it is placed round the royal tents. Aurangzeb started at six o'clock of the day, seated on the throne presented to him by the Dutch, as I have stated . To carry this throne there were twelve men ; in addition, there were three palanquins of different shapes, into which he could get when he pleased. There were also five elephants with different litters (cherollas) for his use whenever he desired. Upon his issuing from his tents, the light artillery began the march from its position round them. It was made up of one hundred field-pieces, each drawn by two horses.

The following is the order of the king's march. At the time when he mounted the throne and issued from his tents all the warlike instruments of music were sounded. At the head came the son of the deceased Shekh Mir with eight thousand cavaliers. In the right wing was Assenalican (Hasan All Khan), son of Alaberdican ( Allahwirdi Khan). This is the Allahwirdl Khan who caused Prince Shah Shuja' to get down from his elephant at the battle of Khajwah. Hasan 'Ali Khan commanded eight thousand horsemen ; the left wing, consisting of eight thousand horsemen, was commanded by Muhammad Amin Khan. In the rear of these two wings were the mounted huntsmen, each with his bird of prey (hawk) on his wrist. Immediately in front of the king went nine elephants with showy flags ; behind these nine were other four, bearing green standards with a sun depicted on them. Behind these elephants were nine horses of state, all adorned and ready saddled ; after these horses came two horsemen, one carrying a standard with Arabic letters on it, the other with a [Page 105] kettledrum, which he struck lightly from time to time as a warning that the king was approaching.

There was no want of men on foot, who advanced in ordered files on the one and the other side of the king ; some displayed scarlet, others green, pennants ; others, again, held in their hands their staves, with which they drove off people when any one made so bold as to draw near. There were on the right and on the left many horsemen with silver staves keeping the people back. Among the men on foot were some with perfumes, while others were continually watering the road.

By their side was an official provided with a description of the provinces, lands, and villages through which the king must pass, in order to explain at once if the king asked what land and whose province it was through which he was then passing. These men can give him an account of everything down to the petty villages, and the revenue obtained from the land. Other men on foot march with a rope in their hands, measuring the route in the following way: They begin at the royal tent upon the king's coming forth. The man in front who has the rope in his hand makes a mark on the ground, and when the man in the rear arrives at this mark he shouts out, and the first man makes a fresh mark and counts "two." Thus they proceed throughout the march, counting "three," " four," and so on. Another man on foot holds a score in his hand and keeps count. If perchance the king asks how far he has travelled, they reply at once, as they know how many of their ropes go to a league. There is another man on foot who has charge of the hourglass, and measures the time, and each time announces the number of. hours with a mallet on a platter of bronze. Behind all these the king moves on his way quietly and very slowly.

So great is the dignity with which the Mogul kings travel, and the delicacy with which they are treated, that ahead of the column goes a camel carrying a white [Page 106] cloth, which is used to cover over any dead animal or human being found on the road. They place heaps of stones on the corners, so that the cloth may not be blown away by the wind. When he passes, the king stops and asks the why and the wherefore.

Behind all these squadrons rode on horseback the princes Sultan Mu'azzam and Sultan A'zam. After the king came ten horsemen, four with the royal matchlocks enclosed in cloth-of-gold bags : one bore his spear, one his sword, one his shield, one his dagger, one his bow, one the royal arrows and quiver ; all of these in cloth-of-gold bags. After the weapons came the captain of the guard with his troops, then the three royal palanquins, and other palanquins for the princes ; then, after the palanquins, twenty-four horsemen, eight with pipes, eight with trumpets, and eight with kettledrums. Behind these mounted musicians were the five royal elephants bearing litters (cherollas) ,also three elephants, one of which, that in the middle, bore three hands in silver upon a crossbar at the end of a pole, covered with its hood of Malacca (velvet). These signify " Observer of the Mahomedan faith." The other two bore hands in the same style, which signify " Augmenter and Conservator of the faith." On the right of this middle one was another elephant, which displayed a plate of copper (lamina) upon a staff, with engraved letters in Arabic, meaning " God is One, and Muhammad just." The other had a pair of scales, which means "a king dealing with justice." On the right (? left) hand was another elephant bearing a crocodile's head, with a body made of fine white cloth, which, when moved by the wind, looked like a real crocodile, signifying "Lord of the rivers."

On the left went an elephant showing a spear, which means "the Conqueror"; to its left again, another with the head of a fish having a body made of cloth, and when swaying in the wind this looked like a great fish, and it means "Lord of the seas." All these [Page 107] elephants were decorated with valuable housings and ornaments. They were followed by twelve more bearing large kettledrums, and other instruments made of refined metals not employed in Europe. They are of the nature of large dishes, which, being beaten one against the other, make a great noise. These musical instruments are employed by Armenians, Syrians, and Maronites in Syria at church solemnities and at weddings; they are also used at such events by the Turks. After these musicians came Rajah Jai Singh with eight thousand horsemen, serving as rearguard. Be it known to the reader that each division of those spoken of had six highly adorned elephants, with rich trappings, displaying on brilliant flags the device of its commander.

At some distance from the foregoing came Roshan Ara Begam upon a very large elephant in a litter called pitambar, which is a dome- roofed throne, very brilliant, made all of enamelled gold, and highly adorned. Behind her followed one hundred and fifty women, her servants, riding handsome horses, and covered from head to foot with their mantles of various colours, each with a cane in her hand. Before Roshan Ara Begam's elephant marched four elephants with standards, and a number of bold and aggressive men on foot to drive away everybody, noble or pauper, with blows from sticks and with pushes. Thus I wonder when I find someone writing in Europe that he managed one day to get near enough to see a woman servant whisking away the flies from Roshan Ara Begam, which is an impossibility. For the princesses and nobles' wives are shut up in such a manner that they cannot be seen, although they can observe the passers-by.

Behind Roshan Ara Begam came her retinue, which consisted of several sour-faced eunuchs on horseback, with others on foot surrounding the litter; after these were three elephants with different kinds of litters covered in rich cloth. Still farther in the rear were [Page 108] many palanquins covered with different nettings of gold thread, in which travelled her chosen ladies. Following them were some sixty elephants with covered litters, carrying her other women. After Roshan Ara Begam's retinue came three queens, wives of Aurangzeb, and other ladies of the harem, each with her own special retinue. It would be very lengthy to recount all the details of this march, the Moguls being extremely choice in such matters, overlooking no detail that could minister to their glory [...]

[Page 109] [...]When the king comes out of his tent to begin a march, the princes, nobles, and generals throng round to pay him court, each one bringing forward some short request, to which a brief answer is given. They accompany the king to the end of the camp in which they had halted for that day, then each departs to his proper place in his own division. Then the king joins the huntsmen, and announces whether he intends to go hunting or not. When he so wishes he leaves the army, and is followed by only the men on foot and the soldiers of his guard. Everybody else continues the march very slowly. If he does not wish to hunt, the huntsmen move to their previously appointed places. When the advance tents come into sight, the musicians commence anew to play their instruments until the king has passed through the gateway of the tents. Then the small artillery is discharged, while the queens and ladies offer to the king congratulations on arrival, saying, " Manzel mobarec " (Manzil mubdrak), which means "Happy be the journey."

It should be observed that, although the princesses and ladies start the last, they always arrive the first, having taken some other shorter route. Ordinarily the women start after the baggage and move quickly [...]

43.

Thus I returned to Dihli, where I stopped several days to take leave of my friends. Then I started for the city of Agrah, where I came across the Jesuit fathers. I remained there for a while in the enjoyment of the conversation of my old friends, with whom I had been in the fortress of Bhakkar. I did not care to take service with Aurangzeb, but they had accepted and at this time were artillerymen in the fort at Agrah. They were urgent for me to enter the service ; but finding I would not listen to their words, they went and spoke to I'tibar Khan, fancying that he could persuade me. I'tibar Khan sent for me, and on visiting him I presented a cup of crystal. Re [Page 111] ceiving it with a pleased face, he ordered robes of honour to be given to me. He endeavoured to win me over, and urgently entreated me to remain in the fortress and enter the service. He would grant me any terms I demanded, and allot me the pay I received from Prince Dara at Bhakkar. He would make me captain over the Christians (which was what they desired, remembering how well I had treated them at Bhakkar) [...]

Once an under-eunnch came to tell him that Shahjahan was in want of " papuz " (paposh), which are slippers without heels, such as Mahomedans wear. He ordered several pairs to be brought, and the tradesmen produced different kinds of paposh, some of leather worth half a rupee, [Page 112] some of plain velvet, and some of velvet more or less embroidered. Some were worth as much as eight rupees, a very small thing for a great king like Shahjahan, even when in prison. In spite of this, the eunuch, immeasurably stingy, sent him shoes neither of eight rupees nor of four nor of two, but the common leather shoes. He smiled over it as if he had done some great deed ; and it was a great deed, being after the nature of his friend Aurangzeb, who knew from this eunuch's physiognomy the vileness of his soul, and selected him to receive charge of his greatest enemy in the world, his father, so that by force of ill-treatment the wretched old man (Shahjahan) might die [...]

When the Jesuit fathers saw that I did not want to remain in Agrah, but was determined to go to Bengal, Father Henriques Roa (Heinrich Roth ), a German rector of the College, earnestly entreated me to take with me two Portuguese friars, then living in his College. They were companions of others who had fled from the town of Chavel (Chaul ), and he (Roth) did not wish to be accused of harbouring fugitives. Although I did not burden myself willingly with such merchandise — for I have always held that he who flees from a convent is capable of other misdeeds — nevertheless, to be agreeable to the Father Rector, I took with me the two friars, turning them into my servants. In twelve days we reached Allahabad.

I believe that the reader will be pleased to know that on the eastern side of this city is a fortress all of red stone ; it was King Akbar who ordered it to be built ; it is very handsome, and very strong. For, in addition [Page 113] to art, Nature also has helped to make it strong: the river Ganges, flowing on the north or left side, directs its course towards the south until it reaches the fortress, while the river Jamnah, flowing on the east, at the right hand of the fort, forms a junction with the Ganges River beneath the walls. Besides these rivers, there issues from the rock on which stand the fort and its outworks a petty stream with blue waters, which is called Tirt (Tirth); it goes by a straight course, like a tongue, between the two rivers until it flows into them. Just as if the said two rivers held those waters in respect, on account of their birthplace, they allow them to pass down for a long distance without their colour being modified. Thus you can plainly see the waters of this streamlet flowing in the middle of the waters of the two rivers, Ganges and Jamnah

[...]For many gave me particular information, and told me that the Hindus worship this river Tirth, their story being that one of their gods opened with an arrow the spring from which the said river rises.

Every five years multitudes of Hindus assemble and wash their bodies in the said stream. This yields a good revenue to the Mogul king, for every person who bathes in the river pays six and a quarter rupees. Such is the multitude of frequenters that in the crowding many are stifled. Nor on this account do the relations of the smothered persons make the usual lamentations. On the contrary, they boast that their relations died in a state of grace and holiness, all of which is included in the word Tirth.

These three rivers flow below the city of Banaras (Benares), ninety leagues from Allahabad, pass near the city of Patana (Patnah), forty leagues distant from Benares, then flowing onwards, water the shores of the [Page 114] small town of Muguer (Munger) at a distance of eighty leagues from Patnah, and, continuing their course, greet the town of Ragemahal (Rajmahal) at forty leagues from Munger. There they divide into two branches : one, keeping the name of Ganges, flows as far as Ugulim (Hugli) in Bengal, and from Hughli goes southward to the sea ; the other branch, under the name of Jamnah, flows near the town of Daca (Dhakah), where it mingles with other great rivers.

44.

We were some days in Allahabad, and the then governor was Bahadur Khan, who was absent on a campaign against some villagers who objected to pay their revenue without, at least, one fight, just as the villagers near Agrah do . Leaving Allahabad, I took the road for Benares by land, carrying with me a passport, as is the practice of all travellers. The route was level and without hills, and in eight days we came to the city of Benares, where we remained several days. This city is small but very ancient, and venerated by the Hindus, by reason of a temple there possessing a very ancient idol. Some years after my visit Aurangzeb sent orders for its destruction, when he undertook the knocking down of all temples.

In this city is made much cloth worked in gold and silver, which is distributed hence all over the Mogul realm, and is exported to many parts of the world. It is the fashion in Hindustan to use this proverb : "Toracana Banarismo Rana" (Thora khana, Banaras mon rahna) — that is, " Little to eat, but live in Banaras"- suggesting that Benares is a nice place, with a good climate, productive land, and cheap food. Here I crossed the great river, showing the Allahabad passport, as is usual ; and by land I arrived in four days at Patnah, a very large city with bazars, the greater part thatched, inhabited by many merchants.;for here is prepared much white cloth of fine quality.

In this city were two factories, one of the English [Page 115] and the other of the Dutch, seeing that here, besides cloth of cotton, much fine silk cloth is woven and a huge quantity of saltpetre produced, which goes to be stored in Bengal, and is there loaded on ships for various parts of Europe. Bottles are also made, and cups of clay, finer than glass, lighter than paper, and highly scented; and these, as curiosities, are carried all over the world. When I was at Patnah I saw an Armenian friend of mine called Coja Safar (Khwajah Safar) of Agrah. He had a letter entitling him to receive from a sarraf (money-changer) twentyfive thousand rupees. On his arrival he learnt that the sarraf had become bankrupt. The Armenian dissimulated. As all the merchants knew him, they brought him cloth, and he took delivery up to thirty thousand rupees' worth. He loaded up all this cloth for Surat, continuing himself at Patnah. When came the time for paying the merchants, he, in pursuance of the custom of the country, lighted two candles in the morning as a sign that he had become bankrupt he sat at his house, with no turban on his head, a simple cloth bound round his loins, his seat an old bit of matting, and a dejected expression on his face.

A great tumult arose in the city, and the merchants thronged to learn the cause ; there was a storm of questions, answers, and bad language. To all this he replied with a sad countenance, calmly, and without heat, by the word " Divalia " (diwala), which means " bankrupt" No other response could they get. They carried him off to court, but on the quiet he had given the judge a bribe of five thousand rupees. At the hearing he (Safar) produced the bill of exchange that he got at Agrah upon the sarraf of Patnah, and made the defence that this sarraf was the cause that he, too, was a bankrupt. The judge decreed that the merchants must take the bill of exchange and procure payment for themselves, being fellow citizens of the sarraf. It was unreasonable that a stranger should [Page 116] suffer in a foreign country. The Armenian, being thus absolved, made his way to Surat .

At this time Dautcan (Da,ud Khan) governed the city of Patnah. This is the man who was unwilling to forsake the service of Dara, yet was forced to leave it because Dara, in opposition to all reason, expelled him from the service when he marched out of Multan. The prince acted on unfounded suspicions, as I have recounted in the other part . I went to visit him, and he was very delighted to see me, remembering that I had been something of a favourite with Dara. He gave me a set of robes (sarapa) [...]He was desirous for me to become his follower, making me great offers ; but as I wished to continue my projected journey, I asked him to forgive me, as I had business in Bengal. He agreed to let me go, on condition that I accepted from him a boat for making my journey by river to Bengal, as a mark of the affection he bore me.

I accepted the offer, and of the two horses I had I sold one ; the other I embarked on the boat. Then I got into it, taking the two friars, with whom I was considerably incensed [...][Page 117] [...]

Finally I reached Rajmahal, the former court residence of Prince Shah Shuja', where I delayed a few days to see the ruins of the city, the dilapidated palaces, the great fallen mansions, the neglected groves and gardens. At this time the city was ruled by Mirza Jam, who had been the captain of Shah Shuja"s artillery in the severe battle of Khajwah. Upon the defeat of that prince, Mir Jumlah, who was Viceroy of Bengal, aware of the prudence and valour of Mirza. Jani, made him governor of this city.

From Rajmahal I continued my journey on the river to the city of Daca (Dhakah), which was reached in fifteen days from leaving Rajmahal. The city of Dhakah is the metropolis of the whole province of Bengal, where a viceroy always resides who wields the greatest power, although when I reached it Mir Jumlah, the then viceroy, was not there, he having [Page 118] gone to make war on Assam, a campaign of which I will speak farther on.The city of Dhakah, without being strong or large, has many inhabitants. Most of its houses are made of straw. At this period there were two factories, one English and the other Dutch ; there were many Christians, white and black Portuguese, with a church served by a friar called Agostinho.

Here I made the acquaintance of an Englishman named Thomas Plata (? Platt), a courteous man, who had from Mir Jumlah five hundred rupees a month. He was master of the riverside, and employed in building boats and making ammuni tion for river fighting [...]After some days I embarked once more, accompanied by the friars, traversing the great river of Dhakah, on my way to Hughli. Having discovered that I had little time to spare, and that there was a shorter and safer route to Hughli, we therefore quitted the main stream and passed by a way between forests, which are called the Forests of Sunderi (Sundarbans).

In forty days we got through the forest and reached the waters of Hugli, not far from the sea. The friars made for the harbour of Balasor, where they wanted to beg for alms. I disembarked at Hugli, and went to see the Father Prior of St. Augustin's, named Frey Irao Bautista. Here I found the chief inhabitants of Hugli, all of them rich Portuguese, for in those days they alone were allowed to deal in salt through out the province of Bengal. The father asked me at once if there had come with me two fugitive friars. I replied that two fathers had come, but they were not fugitives — on the contrary, they were religious persons much to be esteemed; that they had come to gather alms for their convent, and were gone to Balasor. Thus [Page 119] did I repay the troubles they had caused me on the journey [...]

Some days after my arrival the Jesuit fathers came to visit me, and in course of conversation they said to me that they had a tiny church, and that only built of straw. They desired to construct one of stone, but the governor objected, although they were ready to pay him five thousand rupees [...]

45.

[...]I knew from experience that Frank physicians are held in esteem by the Mahomedans. Then they thought to detain me by a marriage to a young lady, with the promise of thirty thousand rupees and two pataxos loaded with salt, making in the whole one hundred thousand rupees, also a house furnished with every thing necessary for a newly-married couple.

I was really anxious that this contract should be carried through ; all the same, I made a show of not caring a rap, pre tending, on the contrary, that I was absolutely determined to return to the Mogul country. The Jesuit fathers were never tired of trying to get a " Yes" from me, but though in reality desirous in my heart of assenting, I made a show of refusal, so that they might not fancy they were conferring any benefit on me ; nor, if afterwards there chanced to be any quarrel, could they throw in my face the benefit they had done me [...] [Page 123] [...]

Certain friends were very anxious for me to remain in Hugh to renew the proposals of marriage. But being quite ready for a start, I declined to listen to anyone. Two days after the above-mentioned event I quitted Hugli by land. Some imagined that I was not really going, for before I had reached Cassim Bazar (Qasim Bazar) they sent me couriers calling on me to return, saying that already the plot of my enemies had been discovered, and my father-in-law was anxiously awaiting me to give me his daughter as my bride. I paid no heed to such letters and promises, for I had by that time made up my mind to go once more to Dihli.

I reached Qasim Bazar, at three days'journey from Hugli, and here I saw that they make much high-quality piece-goods and much white cloth. There are in this village, which is near the Ganges, three factories of the French, English, and Dutch. From Qasim Bazar I took the road to Rajmahal, and there waited to see a Hindu woman burnt, although I had already seen many. She had poisoned her husband by reason of her love for a musician, hoping to get married after wards to this lover. But on the husband's death the musician refused to marry her. Thus, finding herself deprived of a husband and her reputation gone, she resolved to be burnt. A great crowd collected to look on ; among them appeared the musician, hoping to receive from her something by way of memorial. It is usual for women who go to be burnt to dis tribute betel-leaf or jewels. The place was a large pit. As she was circumambulating this pit, she came close to the young musician, and, taking from her neck a gold chain she had on as an ornament, she flung it round the young man's neck, and taking him forcibly into her arms, jumped into the pit. Everyone was taken aback at this, not anticipating such a thing. Thus did she and the youth [Page 124] together expiate their sin and the murder of the husband.

From Rajmahal I made once more for Patnah, where I halted several days, spending a jolly time with some English and Dutch friends. I then started for Allahabad, and from Allahabad I went to Agrah, where was King Shahjahan, still kept with the same rigour as ordered by King Aurangzeb, who was then in Kashmir. The routes I had traversed are much frequented, full of villages and saraes, food being good and cheap [...]

During my stay in Agrah I went one day to make an excursion into the country on horseback, in the company of a young Armenian. We came where a Hindu woman had begun to move round her pyre, which was already blazing ; she rested her eyes on us, as if she appealed to us for help. The Armenian asked if I would join him in saving the woman from death. I said I would. Seizing our swords, and our servants doing the same, we charged with our horses into [Page 125] the midst of the crowd looking on, shouting, "Mata, mata !" ("Kill, kill !"), whereat the Brahmans, being frightened, all took to flight, and left the woman unguarded. The Armenian laid hold of her, and making her mount behind him, carried her off. Subsequently, having had her baptized, he married her. When I passed through Surat I found her living there with her son, and she returned me many thanks for the benefit done to her. When the king returned from Kashmir, the Brahmans went to complain that the soldiers did not allow women to be burnt, in accordance with their customs. The king issued an order that in all lands under Mogul control never again should the officials allow a woman to be burnt. This order endures to this day.

The king having arrived at Dihll from Kashmir, I went several times to make my bow to Rajah Jai Singh, who took a fancy to me, and in the end requested me to teach him how to play Hombre, as I had already done to his son, Queretsing (Kirat Singh). Several times we played together, and we two won from the said rajah some sums of money [...] He wanted me to join him in this most important enterprise, and he would make me commander of his artillery [...]

46.

Two things happened to me during this march. The first was that, being dressed in the costume of the country, I fastened my gown or cabaya (qaba) on the right side, as is the fashion of Mahomedans. The Hindus fasten theirs on the left. I also went with my beard shaved, wearing only moustaches like the Rajputs, but without pearls hanging from my ears as they have. The Rajput officers wondered at this get-up, neither Rajput nor Mahomedan. They asked me what religion I belonged to ; I replied that I was of the Christian religion. Once more they asked me whether I was a Mahomedan Christian or a Hindu Christian- [Page 127] For they recognise no other religions than these in Hindustan. I seized the opportunity to tell them a little about our faith.

The other matter was that one day Rajah Jai Singh asked me whether in Europe there were armies, wars, and squadrons. I replied to him that the bravery with which the Farangls fought, of which I was an example, sufficed to show him that we in Europe knew what war and fighting meant. We were accustomed to fight in two ways, one by sea, the other by land [...][Page 129] [...]

The rajah, who was on his elephant, halted, and when our display was finished, we rode up and made our bow. He asked what meant these excursions and alarms. I replied that purposely we had done this to let him see that we knew how to fight on horseback in the European way. He asked me several times if really they fought like that in Europe. I answered that this was only a small specimen. We would show him sport when it came to reality, observing the same order ; and if there were on the field dead men or horses, we should ride over them as if riding on a carpet, and make no account of them. He praised our way of fighting, saying he thought it a sound mode of warfare, and he should like to form a troop of European cavalry if I could obtain them. I answered that it was not easy to get so many men in Hindustan who had been trained in our wars. He then gave us our leave with a good present, and thenceforth thought more of European nations, who, if it were not for their drinking habits, would be held in high estimation, and could aid our kings to carry out some project in those lands.

While this embassy (to Persia) was in progress, we were marching onwards to the city of Aurangabad, on reaching which we joined Shah 'Alam. Sending for me, Rajah Jai Singh ordered me to go as envoy to three rajahs — that is to say, Ramanagar (Ramnagar), Pentt (Pent), and Chottia (Chiutia), who are petty rajahs among the Hindus, and the Portuguese call them kings of the Colles (? Kolls). It was through their lands that Shiva Ji passed on his way to attack Surat. Rajah Jai Singh gave me a set of robes and a horse, and sent with me thirty troopers and some infantry ; also a considerable sum for expenses. My orders were to go to these rajahs, and tell them they must give their word not to take the side of Shiva Ji, nor [Page 130] allow him passage. He (Jai Singh) must declare war against them in the name of the Mogul emperor, if they did not take up arms against Shiva Ji and embrace the cause of Aurangzeb. As security for their promise they must come in themselves or send their sons to attend on the court, where they would be assigned pay and rank befitting their condition.

I took my departure on this deputation, and the first person I visited was the Rajah of Ramanagar, whose territories lie amidst frightful hills and gloomy forests. I was well received by this rajah, who invited me to take a rest while he deliberated on what he thought it was best to do. I amused myself meanwhile, going out to shoot and fish ; nor did the rajah fail in providing pastimes in the nature of plays and games. Meanwhile he was corresponding with the other two rajahs, whether they thought it suited them to take the Mogul side against Shiva Ji. I was not backward in making promises and using threats, according as I considered it appropriate. Sometimes I put myself into a passion and demanded an answer, else I would be off. In the end the rajah chose the side of Aurangzeb, giving me a horse and a sword. He made over to me his son in confirmation of his word.

I then went to the second rajah, where I was received in a friendly manner, and treated just as I had been at the first place. He petitioned for time, feigning that he had not had time to write to the others. Here I received many honours according to their custom — dances, plays, and the chase. Finally, he, too, gave me a horse and a sword, and delivered to me his son to be conducted to court. But this tall and robust young man died on the journey by reason of the great heat of the sun, which inflamed his blood. He would not agree to be bled, as I counselled, he not trusting in me [...]

47.

I had a handsome horse that Rajah Jai Singh had given me. The Rajah of Chottia (Chiutia) took a fancy to this horse, and requested me to sell it to him ; he would pay me one thousand rupees. I was not willing, but when it was time for my departure the horse had lost the use of its legs, and was unable to move. I waited for eight days without any good, when the rajah sent me word that, though the horse was damaged, he would still give me one thousand rupees. In a rage, I started from the place, telling my people that if within twenty-four hours the horse could not move, to cut his throat and bring the hide to me. Finding me so resolute, the rajah sent me one thousand two hundred rupees, beseeching me not to order the horse's throat to be cut, but to content myself with this present, and he would keep the horse in remembrance of me. I contented myself with taking the twelve hundred rupees, knowing quite well that if I did not, I should lose both horse and rupees [...]

It was thus : One of my servants, passing through a field of radishes, stretched out his hand to pluck one out of the ground, when his hand adhered in such a fashion to the radish that he could not take it away. It was necessary to find the owner of the field to get him liberated. This was done, and after taking something as a bribe and giving him a beating, the owner recited some words and the man was freed. I could never sufficiently [Page 132] state to what an extent the Hindus and the Mahomedans in India are in the habit of practising witchcraft. I quite well know that if I were to recount that they can even make a cock crow in the belly of the man who stole and ate it, no credit would be given to me. Nevertheless, the truth is that many a time I heard the crowing in different cases, and of such instances I was told over and over again.

A few days after my arrival Shiva Ji gave himself up and came into our camp. Since I went at night to converse and play (cards) with the rajah whenever he so desired, it happened one night during this period that we were having a game, the rajah, his Brahman, and I, when in came Shiva Ji. We all rose up, and Shiva Ji, seeing me, a youth well favoured of body, whom he had not beheld on other occasions, asked Rajah Jai Singh of what country I was the rajah. Jai Singh replied that I was a Farangi rajah. He wondered at such an answer, and said that he also had in his service many Farangis, but they were not of this style. Rajah Jai Singh wanted to do me honour, and responded that as a rule Nature made a distinction between the great and the humble, and I being a rajah, she had given me a body and a mind very different from those of others. I rose to my feet as a mark of recognition for the compliment, and made the appropriate obeisance. This was the opening which afforded me occasion many times to con verse with Shiva Ji, since I possessed, like anyone else in the camp, the Persian and Hindustan languages. I gave him information about the greatness of European kings, he being of opinion that there was not in Europe any other king than the King of Portugal. I also talked to him about our religion [...]

48.

[...]I spoke to the rajah, and pointed out to him that there was no occasion for the Hindus of Chawal to complain, since what the Portuguese were doing had gone on certainly for a hundred years ; nor did they make Christians of anyone bat orphans who had no relations forthcoming [...]

49.

[...]We got to Bijapur, as I said, and there we beheld the miracles that the padre had promised us. We were to take Bljapur with the greatest ease, whereas it all but happened that Sharzah Khan broke all our heads. Therefore, finding, after we had retreated, that we were going into quarters, I began to long for a life among Christians ; and I was disgusted at the conduct of the padre, who continued to live on in the army. I asked the rajah for leave to resign, as I wanted to return to my country, and I put forward as excuse that I wanted to get married. They never refuse anyone leave when it is with that object. The rajah asked his Brahman and the astrologers, with whom (as I have said) these princes are always well provided, if he should ever see me again. They replied that we should never meet again. He believed that I was doomed to die, but he reckoned badly, for while I got back to the Mogul country, he was left dead far from home.

On my taking leave he gave me a set of robes, and something by way of present. Upon quitting the army I went into a village belonging to the Portuguese called Camba (Kambe), close to Galiani (Kaliyani) and Beundi (Bhiwandi) , in the country of Shiva Ji. In this village are made many things in wood — handsome chairs, sideboards, bedsteads, and different playthings. Here I stayed for several days, at the request of a friend of mine who was owner of the village, and he kept me in his house until he had stolen some gold coins I had. Thence I made for Bassaim (Bassain, Wasai), a Portuguese town, there to pass Lent, and I lived outside the town. I was very near losing my life here [...][Page 135] [...]

I left for Goa, and there I arrived in the month of May, one thousand six hundred and sixty-six (1666). Of the place itself I shall have much to say presently, but the reader must first permit me to say something about my own stay there.

I did not obtain there what I sought, for I found myself in a place where treachery is great and prevalent, where there is little fear of God and no concern for strangers. Not that I can complain myself of ill-treatment, for the viceroy desired to honour me with the command of a war-galley. But since I had many necessary expenses, and I was not rich enough to take upon myself the payment of the soldiers and sailors from my own pocket, I declined. [Page 136] My advice to the viceroy was that he should take great care not to let the Mogul become master of Bljapur ; for on finding an opportunity, he would use all his strength to take Goa, as was his usual practice [...]

I stopped in Goa a year and three months. It is a place with a climate suited to men from forty up to old age ; but it is very unhealthy for young men [...]

The viceroy when I arrived was Antonio de Mello de Castro, who died afterwards a prisoner in Portugal, through good works of thieving, et cetera, of which he had been guilty in India. To replace him came Joao [Page 137] Nunes da Cunha, and this new governor, as soon as he arrived undertook a great expedition. He kept his object secret, and it would have resulted in great honour to the Portuguese, if those who were envious of his earning this glory had not impeded its execution. There came from Masqat, a fortress on the Arabian coast formerly belonging to the Portuguese, which by their negligence they lost, when it passed into the hands of an Arabian prince — there came (I say) from this fortress to Goa a Portuguese named Andre da Andrada, who was commander of artillery there and passed for a Mahomedan. This man pledged his word to the new viceroy to deliver over the fortress if a strong fleet appeared before it by sea, and to secure that end he would spike the guns.

The viceroy took up the proposal and hired a strong fleet of good ships and frigates for this service. But he let no one know what he meant to do ; and from this secrecy the Dutch dreaded some sudden blow at them, as they could not find out what such preparations were meant for. By the distribution of copious bribes in all directions they won over several of the officers. The viceroy, being desirous of equipping his ships well, ordered the embarkation by force of every valid man, compelled the better class of the Portuguese from the northern parts to come to Goa, and directed that no one should be allowed to quit the place. Thus, when the ships were well fitted out, he made over sealed instructions to the captains, with the order not to open them until arrival at a certain latitude.

Thus the fleet set sail without anyone knowing its destination. But the bribed pilots and captains sailed hither and thither with the ships, without overcoming the contrary winds, until they reached the appointed latitude, where the letters of instructions were opened, and some of them managed secretly to tamper with the water-casks, so that all the water was lost [...][Page 138] [...]

At the time of this expedition I was anxious to quit Goa ; but I could not do it in lay clothing. I therefore left in the garb of a Carmelite monk until I had got beyond the district of Goa and had entered the territory of Bijapur, of which Shiva Ji had already taken possession. There I returned to my ordinary costume, and placed myself under the guidance of Divine Providence. [...] A few paces farther on I met a traveller near some cattle-sheds who was escaping in haste, and he warned me to press onwards because the people following us were robbers; but, weakened by illness, I could not keep up with the pace of the man, who was acting as my guide in a country I did not know. I passed several chungams, which are places where they collect money from people passing. The severity they exercise upon travellers is great, depriving them of the smallest piece of money to be found upon them, with no tenderness for the poor, taking from them in default of money their shirts, coats, and sheets.

Having come to the boundary of the Bijapur territory near the river Bimbra (Bhima), I stopped for the night in a village called Pandarapur (Pandharpur) ; and on my arrival I took up my quarters in a public bazar, as is the custom of travellers, and deposited myself [Page 139] in an open shop. Some people passing said my waistcloth was crammed with pearls. I answered that I was only a poor traveller. God was good to me that night ! For at midnight the robbers entered the village, and the first thing they did was to come to the shop where I had put up. As they began by throwing a number of stones, I sought refuge inside, dragging with me a servant boy whom I had with me, to prevent his being killed. They did not venture inside, but shouted for me to fling out whatever I had, thrusting with their spears and cutting with their swords at the door. I assured them that I could fling out nothing, for I was a poor man, having nothing with me. Such was the terror that throttled me that I could not utter a word, for I remembered what had been said to me that evening, that I had a waistbelt full of pearls, and I believed that they had come resolved to take my life ; therefore I threw out two chains, each of which might be worth some fifty rupees. They made off, robbing the bazar and killing people, so that there was great tribulation in the village [...]

[Page 140] [...]The thieves withdrew, and I, too, found a refuge again in the bazar, but not in the same shop, for I feared greatly they might come there once more. I spent the night in the discomfort that everyone can imagine. At dawn, feeling much afflicted, I chewed a clove, washing it down with a little warm water, whereupon I vomited several clots of thickened blood, and felt relieved.

I continued my journey up to the crossing on the river (? the Bhima) . Although it is wide, there were no boats ; I crossed seated on a small bedstead attached to the tops of four pots. I then reached Paranda (Parenda), in the Mogul territory, where I came across my friends of the fortress of Bhakkar. They took compassion on my poverty, regaled me, succoured me with money, clothes, and a mount, on which I resumed my travels and arrived at Aurangabad [...]

50.

After my arrival in Aurangabad I lived retired. This was the time at which, as I have related , Shah 'Alam was busy trying to get hold of Shiva Ji [...]I went on through Burhanpur, where I found several friends among the servants of Jai Singh, all disconsolate at the death of that great general. I felt his death very much, although I had no intention of re-entering his service, for I wanted to start as a doctor. Thence I went on to Agrah, where I visited the Jesuit fathers, and reported to them what was going on at Goa. I did not stay long, but passed on to Dihli. Thereupon, on learning of my arrival, there was no fail of women who proposed marriage to me and sent me cloth and money and banquets of food. One of them sent me fifty gold coins and a horse, and handsome stuff to make me clothes. I went to see Kirat Singh, the younger son of Rajah Jai Singh, who, in remembrance of the great affection his father held me in, and which he continued to me, gave me a set of robes, two horses, and five rupees every day, and a handsome house to live in [...]

I lived in Dihli one year in splendid style, having honourable means of making money. Then, by the king's order, Kirat Singh went to Kabul, and I determined to move to Lahor and give myself out as a doctor. I could not start this at Dihli, where there were already some Europeans, while in Lahor there was none.

On reaching Lahor I found that Muhammad Amin Khan was governor, Aurangzeb having kept his promise to make him a viceroy [...][Page 142]I put up in the sarae with my grand carpets and my petty establishment, until I could find a house. I hired one belonging to Barqandaz Khan, my commander in Dara's time, and I instructed my servants to inform everyone who asked about me that I was a Farangi doctor [...][Page 144] [...]

Thus there began to be talk of the Farangi doctor who was capable of [Page 145] resuscitating the dead. This caused me to be called in by many sick persons, and by adhering to certain books I had, I succeeded by God's favour in almost every case in which I was sent for [...]

This was the year in which Muhammad Amin Khan gave me a lot of annoyance, for, having been ordered by the king to Kabul as governor in place of Mahabat Khan, he wanted to take me with him by force. I made my excuses, saying I did not wish to leave Lahor.

He left with his retinue, and finding that neither by promises nor by threats could I be made to follow him, he ordered me to be carried off by force. Thus I travelled with him for three days as far as Little [Page 146] Gujarat, crossing the river of Lahor and the river Chinab. He acted thus not only from his desire to keep me, but also because his wife so willed it. She went the length of unveiling before me her daughter's face (a most unusual thing among them), and said to me that, if I would not go for her sake, at the least I might for her daughter's, whom I had brought back to health when she was very illr [...] I intended to I intended to carry out ; for he who serves by compulsion can never be satisfied [...][Page 150] [...]

Hardly had I reached Lahor when a terrible affair happened. This was that the holy man of Balkh, to whom Aurangzeb had married the daughter of Murad Bakhsh, went mad. I was treating him as such. But Fida,e Khan, being away at Peshawar, Amanat Khan was in his place. He listened to the proposals of the sorcerers, who said that the holy man was possessed by a demon, and not mad. I was obliged to abandon the treatment, Amanat Khan being aggrieved that I had taken on myself to treat a royal connection with [Page 151] out first of all consulting him. My answer was that, being by profession a medical man, I went to the house of anyone who sent for me without making any distinctions;but since he did not approve of my continuing my treatment, I would that very hour quit the house and the patient.

It happened that a few days afterwards, the sorcerers assuring him that the man was now sane, and had no longer a demon in his inside, they allowed him to go for a walk in a garden along with the princess and her ladies. Having a dagger in his waistbelt, he drew it, and, seizing the princess, stabbed her beneath the ribs towards the side. I was urged to make all haste ; I knew not why or wherefore. I sent an order to harness my carriage for us both to go together. But I could not extract from his mouth where it was necessary to go, until at last he told me to carry with me remedies for the treatment of a wound that the holy man had inflicted on the princess. I protested that I could not go without permission from the governor, because the princess was of royal blood, nor could I treat her without the king's orders. He paid no heed to those words, and most urgently intreated me not to delay, for the princess was in danger of death. He then told me the whole story [...][Page 152] [...]

When for the first time I had applied the medicine, I went to the governor and reported the facts. This was to prevent his expressing surprise afterwards on hearing such news, and becoming frightened that the king would remark on the want of care with which he had guarded a man who had been declared mad. He entreated me earnestly to make my best efforts to cure the princess. Meanwhile he wrote to the king about the case, and told him that a demon had entered the body of the holy man, and the princess had been mortally wounded with a dagger. But a Frank doctor named Hakim Niccolao had attended her, and held out hopes that she would be well in a short time. This event brought me to the notice of many nobles who were in the camp. For on the matter becoming public, my friends wrote to their acquaintances ; and the princess herself, as soon as she was well, wrote to the king that I had perfectly restored her, and she gave me a handsome present [...] [Page 155] [...]

without a doubt the Christians persecuted me worse than the Mahomedans. It arose from their envy at seeing me with name and fame, whereas at the place where I had settled down I had done no harm to any one of them. God alone knows how many times they tried to murder me, and they sent men to steal my books, on which I relied [...]

51.

[...]Then I left all the four and rode off at once to Fida,e Khan, who at the time this happened was in [Page 157] Lahor. He recognised that I had good reason for anything I had done, and sent men to escort my assailants to the other side of the river Chinab, and on the road he who was the leader died. I will state here that my enemies seized this occasion at the time the Europeans of the army were on their way to the attack on the Pathans, since, being war-time, no one would be able to know afterwards who had made the attempt. But God, who seemed to cherish a special desire for my protection, would not permit my death at the hands of those who had wished to do so on the quiet, by entering my house in the guise of friends. They did not succeed in this or other treacheries ; but my enemies managed to give me poison, from which I escaped, although I felt its effects for some years [...]

But I cannot resist telling of one case that happened to me with a well-connected widow woman, the daughter of Dindar Khan, Pathan. On one occasion I had treated one of her sisters at Qasur, twenty leagues from Lahor. This lady was present, and took such a fancy to me that she wanted to marry me. She herself spoke to me about it, and told me she would make her own arrangements for flight. At first I paid no heed to these things; still, seeing the woman so determined, and she being rich, well proportioned, and intelligent, I began to entertain the idea of carrying her off to Europe as she desired [...]

[Page 158] [...]The agreement was in process of execution, but she was not sufficiently prudent. She roused suspicions of her affection for me by forwarding message upon message by an old woman in her service. But the special cause for the non execution of the agreement was a Portuguese called Joao Rodrigues de Abreu. After having done him many favours, and proved him sufficiently faithful, I confided our plans to him, intending to take him along with me. But he did not act in correspondence to my friendship, for he went off and told Misri Khan, who was a suitor for marriage with the same woman.

[...]On finding that her project could not succeed, the widow married Misri Khan, but only lived for eight days after her marriage [...]

52.

[...]Once some Mahomedans were at my house consulting me about their complaints when night came on. I did not want to lose the chance of overawing them, and letting them see that I had the power of giving orders to the devil. In the middle of our talk I began to speak as if to some demon, telling him to hold his tongue and not interrupt my talk, and let me serve these gentlemen, for it was already late. Then [Page 161] I resumed my conversation with the Mahomedans. But they had now only half their souls left in their bodies, and spoke in trembling tones. I made use of their terror for my own amusement, and raising my voice still more, I shouted at him whom I assumed to be present, lying invisible in some corner. I resumed my talk to the Mahomedans ; and this I did four or five times, each time showing myself more provoked and fierce [...]Being credulous in matters of sorcery, they began to bruit abroad in all directions that the Frank doctor had the power of expelling demons, including dominion over them.

53.

Having acquired a sufficient capital, I became desirous of withdrawing from the Mogul country and living once more among Christians. This I could not effect by moving to Goa, for the mode of life of those gentlemen did not suit me. I resolved to retire to a village called Bandora, which is under the Jesuit fathers, who do not allow any Portuguese to live within it beyond a few of their own faction. For as soon as any white man appears, they put a spy on him, who follows him constantly. On no account will they allow such a man to sleep in the village. Nevertheless, as they knew that I was not a troublesome man, they were content to allow me to become a resident. In the village dwelt many merchants of different nations, it being a place of trade. One could live there in security, through the efforts of the fathers in defending themselves from the thieves, who traversed the ocean in such numbers that it was necessary for many vessels together to leave the port, for the Malavares (? Malabaris) and Sanganes (? Sanjanls) infest this coast [...]

54.

I reached Sihrind without interference, and from Sihrind, passing outside Dihli, I rested in Agrah. From Agrah I went to Surat, where I came across the woman of whom I spoke earlier, she who married the Armenian. From Surat I went on to Damao, then through the territories of the Portuguese, where the fathers of the society (i.e. the Jesuits) did me many kindnesses, and at length I arrived at Bandora.

Here I was advised by some people to buy a ship and thus not to leave my capital without fructifying. They proposed to me for taking charge of the ship a certain Ignacio de Taide, a Portuguese, who lived with the reputation of being a good Christian. To him I made over my ship and its cargo, which in all cost me the sum of fourteen thousand rupees. This caused others to confide to him considerable sums on seeing that I had faith in him [...][Page 164] [...]

Finding myself without means and very ill, I made up my mind to return, on recovering my health, to the Mogul country and try my fortune once more. Thus when I had got well I left Bandora with a friar in my charge, whose name out of respect I will not disclose, and Antonio Machado, a man well known for his bravado and talk, which led to his murder at Goa. God alone knows what I endured with this fellow-traveller, who, looking on the Mahomedans of Hindustan as being the same as the Portuguese, tried to carry everything off by bravado. He ignored the fact that Hindustani Mahomedans are very touchy, and possess sense and judgment just like any other nation. If I wanted to write here the foolish acts done on the road by those two men, my story would become a very long one.

55.

On arrival in Agrah, I left behind me the friar, who stayed on account of some business. The other man wished to come with me as far as Dihli ; then he attempted by force to take up his quarters in my house. But I declined, and he was forced to search for a home elsewhere. He encountered all that I had prognosticated, for I was fairly acquainted with the Mogul country. It wanted very little more for this man to have brought the fathers of the society (the Jesuits) to perdition ; for in his desperation, having nothing to eat, he tried to denounce them to the qazi of Agrah. He said that the only object of the fathers' stay in the Mogul realm was to buy Qurans and transmit them to Europe. There on a fixed day in each year a festival took place, when they burnt the image of Muhammad. This was quite [Page 165] enough to have caused the fathers to be burnt alive ; and, seeing themselves in such danger, they collected as an alms the sum of five hundred rupees (for him), and were thus delivered from a great peril. For, being a man of little understanding, he was capable of doing such a silly thing. He wandered hither and thither, and then quitted Mogul territory, I giving him his expenses to take him as far as Surat.

56.

On my reaching Dihli several nobles took notice of my arrival, and called me in. The chief of these was the Master of the Ceremonies to Prince Shah 'Alam, whose wife was very ill and given up by the other doctors. My treatment of her renewed my reputation, which during my absence of a year had been somewhat diminished. But the Persian doctors in the household of Shah 'Alam did not approve of my continuing at court after having cured the said woman, whose case they had given up. This caused me to decide on a return to Lahor, for I saw that the court was not for me.

With this intention I left secretly, but the princess, wife of Shah 'Alam, who had learnt of the benefit I had effected in the case of the wife of the Master of the Ceremonies, brought to mind the cases I had cured at Lahor when her parents were there. I had also treated her in secret for a small abscess she had in her ear. Accordingly she besought the prince one night to take me into his service, allotting to me noble's pay. Not to discontent the princess, whom he loved much, the prince fixed for me three hundred rupees a month, and gave me in addition the title of a mansabdar — that is to say, of a noble. This was a singular favour, the Mahomedans not being accustomed to grant such honours to Christians ; furthermore, such physicians and surgeons remain subordinate to and under the orders of the head physician. But I was a privileged person, for I agreed to serve on no other condition than that I must be left free, nor must anyone else give me orders. [Page 166] Thus I took service with Shah 'Alam, although my Christian enemies did all they knew to prevent the prince's accepting me [...] beginning my service in the year one thousand six hundred and seventy-eight.

57.

It was at this time(some years later) that out of disgust I resolved to live no longer among Mahomedans, now that I had put together a sufficient sum. Nor did Shah 'Alam pay me at all punctually. I therefore decided to return to Goa, where I had some money in the hands of the Theatine fathers, meaning to leave eventually for Europe [...]

[...]and Akbar, who was living in that prince's territories, not far from Goa, was anxious to show his gratitude for the honour Sambha Ji had shown him. He also sought occasion to prepare for the flight which he designed to make into Persia, and wanted to ask the viceroy to provide him with a ship for that purpose. He sent an envoy [Page 167] to the viceroy, forwarding at the same time some rubies and diamonds for sale. He prayed as a favour that permission might be granted him to build a ship on the river of Goa for his flight into Persia, he being persecuted by his father, Aurangzeb [...][Page 168] [...]

Finding that by using the chance afforded by the matter of the ship he could not carry out his design, Sambha Ji sent to the viceroy tutored spies, who told him that in the fortress of Ponda. were great treasures. His object was to get the viceroy to leave Goa with a large force for the conquest of that fortress. Then he meant to cut off the Portuguese retreat and prevent their return, in this way making himself master of Goa. The facts became known to a French trader then in Rajapur, and he wrote to me to warn the viceroy of Sambha Jl's purpose. He was coming down with his army.

I told His Excellency, but he would not heed my words. He issued forth with eight hundred white soldiers and eight thousand Canarese. He crossed with them to the other side of the river and began his campaign. With him went five pieces of heavy artillery. The men inside Ponda defended themselves until the arrival of Sambha Ji along with Akbar's men. They attacked with great fury the viceroy's army, and gave him as much to do as he could manage. His best troops were killed, and if he had not used wooden obstructions with which to impede the onset of the cavalry, he would never have been able to get back to Goa, nor could he have made any defence. The rainy weather impeded the discharge of his matchlocks ; thus, coming on still closer, a trooper among the Rajputs dealt His Excellency a sword-blow on the ribs. Retreating slowly, he reached the river bank with great difficulty, and once more entered Goa. He recognised, although too late, that he had been misled. Great grief was caused in the city from the fruit less loss of so many lives.

58.

In the interval Goa was governed by the archbishop, Dom Manoel de Souza de Menezes. There came a [Page 169] boat sent by the general of Aurangzeb's fleet, which was on the watch to prevent Akbar leaving Vingorla in the ship he had built. It brought a message for the viceroy, urging him to make a valiant fight of it, and before very long he (Aurangzeb) would arrive to his assistance. But the archbishop would not listen to the envoy, and gave the answer that he must go and deal direct with the viceroy. I knew this because I translated the letters, and I did not wish to forsake the viceroy at such a time, so that he might have no cause of complaint against me [...]

I left, but the archbishop, I know not why, sent an order to the guards posted on the river to seize me. Thus, while I disbursed my coin to aid and serve the Christians against the power of the Mogul, they made me out to be a traitor. They persuaded the archbishop that I was taking with me five hundred Shivajls (i.e. Mahrattahs) to cut off the viceroy's retreat, and prevent his returning again to Goa. For this reason he directed my arrest. The captains of the guards knew quite well I was innocent, for when I reached them I had with me no one but a servant. In spite of this, as the orders were absolute, they civilly made me a prisoner without communicating to me their orders. I made pretence of not recognising that the way they were treating me betrayed suspicion of my acts [...][Page 171] [...]being on the point of leaving for Persia, as a friend of both sides, he wanted to restore peace and amity between Sambha Ji and the Portuguese. With this object would they send a trusty person capable of dealing with such a negotiation ? He would bring it to a conclusion to the satisfaction of both parties.

The viceroy selected me for this business. On my side I recognised that I was a foreigner, so I took along with me one priest and one layman, both Portuguese, to bear testimony to my acts and words. I made declaration to the viceroy that they would never conduct me to Akbar, but to Sambha Ji instead. I questioned the viceroy as to what I should do in that case. He said to me that under no circumstances did he wish me to approach Sambha Ji. With this point determined on, I quitted Goa.

We reached the presence of Sambha Ji, who received me with great politeness [...][Page 172] [...]

Finally, he gave me my leave to go, adding that, seeing the viceroy would not send him an envoy, he meant to be the first and send one to him, and so let him see how much he desired to uphold peace with the Portuguese [...]

59.

I returned to Goa and reported to the viceroy what was going on, and of the probable intentions of Sambha Ji. For the time being he should not, I thought, give audience in the royal hall, but in the fortress of Dangi (Dangim), which was quite close to the sea [...]

Although peace negotiations were going on, there [Page 174] was no suspension of arms ; for continuously Sambha Ji went on fighting at Goa with great vigour. In the course of these contests, as there were not many troops in the island, there was reason to fear that Sambha Ji might land his soldiers there. The viceroy therefore sought someone who would go to the Mogul fleet, then off Vingorla, to request the admiral to sail with his ships till he was within sight of Goa. Thus some fear would be instilled into Sambha Ji's men then in Salsette and Bardes [...] For all they could do, they could not find any person willing to take upon himself to risk his life for the public benefit. Then, knowing the heartiness with which I had laboured to the utmost of my power, he asked me if I would perform this benefit on behalf of a city which found itself in such a sorry plight.

I gave a favourable reply, and, as I was leaving Goa, Dom Rodrigo da Costa, in command of the fleet, declared that I was on my way to destruction. God was pleased to show the care He had over my person, for one morning in the dark I found myself with my boat in the midst of thirty-seven galliots belonging to Sambha Ji. As soon as we discovered that the fleet was not that of the Moguls, but of Sambha Ji, we were very apprehensive, and already the master of the vessel and several seamen wanted to jump into the sea. But I laid hold of my matchlock and frightened them, saying that the first who moved was a dead man. If they set to work to row with all their strength, I would give them five hundred xerafins (asharfi, a gold coin) on arrival in Goa. This was in addition to several pieces of gold that I distributed among them on the spot. As the man who guided the helm was very skilful, we feigned to be part of that fleet until we had forged ahead of all the galliots. Then, putting on a spurt, we drew away from our enemies, who began a chase in the hope of capturing us [...]

[Page 176] [...]Aurangzeb received the reply of the Goa viceroy, in which he promised to allow free passage up the river to his fleet coming from Surat with supplies for the army of his son, Shah 'Alam. The king ordered that prince to march with fortyfive thousand horsemen in the direction of Goa, traversing the kingdom of Bijapur. His instructions were to capture the island of Goa by treachery, thus becoming able thereafter to invade easily the territories of Sambha Ji.

On this march Shah 'Alam took several of Sambha Ji's forts, and arrived near Goa in time to deliver the island from the hands of that prince [...][Page 177] [...]

As soon as Shah 'Alam arrived, he sent an envoy to the viceroy as far as the river bank. On learning this, His Excellency ordered me to go and speak to this envoy, who was the brother of Sec Mahamed (Shekh Muhammad). I went to the spot, and while afar off I saluted him in the European fashion. But he, remaining seated in his palanquin, paid little or no heed to me, and, ignoring the politeness customary in India, which is to raise the hand to the head, he placed it on his breast, as usual among the Persians. This made me angry, and I declined to advance any farther. His example was not followed by the slaves and servants of Shah 'Alam ; they knew how anxious their master was to retain me at his court. They all bowed to me with great respect.

[...]Then spies went off to Shah 'Alam and told him that the viceroy had sent me to treat with the ambassador, and that the latter had failed to render me due honour.

The prince was much put out, and in that man's place sent my friend, called Miraxam (Mir A'zam) with orders to conciliate me in every way. On his reaching the [Page 178] river bank I advanced to meet him, but he, having received different in structions from the first man, rose to his feet when he saw me, and coming towards me, embraced me. He told me the prince's orders were that he was to do whatever I might suggest, as he had no knowledge of the viceroy. Then he delivered to me a letter sent to me by the prince. In it he begged me to come to him, as he greatly desired to speak to me, and he trusted I would not refuse, having eaten the salt of his house.

I did not wish to take him (the envoy) into Goa, so I escorted him to a little island called Ilha de Manoel de Mota. There I regaled him during the night [...] [Page 179] [...]

At nightfall I issued from Goa with the envoy in order to go to the encampment of Shah 'Alam. When we disembarked, the spies informed us that the enemy were in sight. Mir A'zam feared some harm to my person, and ordered twenty horsemen to accompany me as far as the camp. He stopped behind with thirty horsemen. In this way I reached the camp, where, being known, many greeted me with loud voices. I cannot express the affection with which they came to embrace me [...] [Page 180] [...]

When the prince got up in the morning, they reported my arrival. He was more anxious for this than for the taking of Goa, and was now content. He issued orders for his soldiers to return to their quarters, as he no longer meant to take any action. Next, he sent word inside to the princesses and princes that I had come, and called them all together with great glee, and ordered a letter to be written to his mother, Nabab Baegi (Nawab Bae Ji), telling how he had now caught me. For this queen had complained bitterly about his giving me leave of absence. She called me within the pardah, where I first made my bow as a European, and then did obeisance in the court fashion.

She was much amused at seeing me in European costume, my beard shaved off, and wearing a peruke. As the princess had not been used to seeing me in such a get-up, she asked me what drugs I took to return to youth. Then, jokingly, I gave her my reasons, and let her understand that I did not want to serve any more, because the officials did not carry out the promises made to me by His Highness. The prince replied that I ought not to trouble myself about this ; I had only to apply to him on the occurrence of any difficulty, and without fail he would ensure me whatever satisfaction I could desire. Laughing at the liberty I was taking, I told him that I could no more rely on His Highness than on the rest, for many times he had broken his promises [...][Page 181] [...]

After this we entered upon a conversation over the differences with the viceroy. As I was obliged, in my capacity of envoy from the viceroy, to take the part of the Portuguese gentlemen, I said to His Highness that the viceroy could not on any conditions allow the royal fleet to come through the river of Goa, such being the orders of the King of Portugal. If His Excellency disobeyed such orders, his head would be in great danger.

Shah 'Alam persisted that at least the galliots already in the river, behind the Fort of the Kings, should continue their course. He assigned as reason that, other ships being allowed to pass, they might just as well allow the said galliots to go up, since they were already inside. I retorted that other ships allowed to pass were merchantmen, as to which there was no prohibition. But in respect of His Highness's ships and those of other crowns, there was a rigorous order not to let them pass. If the viceroy in his letter to Aurangzeb had promised a passage, that must be understood not of the Goa River, but of the lands belonging to the Portuguese. He did not decline to comply, but offered a passage through other rivers. To show better to His Highness that the viceroy maintained friendship with His Highness and with his father, he would provide men to guide the vessels to any port His Highness wished.

This proposal so much approved itself to Shah 'Alam that he was willing to order the galliots already inside to go out again. He sent with me people to carry this order to the captain-general of the fleet ; and I left with him other men to act as guides in conducting him by land to the mouth of the river of Bardes.

To conclude the story, before giving me my leave, he sent to me an exquisite sarapa (set of robes) and a [Page 182] horse. I was made to promise that I would return to him next day at two o'clock in the afternoon. I took with me the men carrying to the captain-general of the fleet the orders to turn back and proceed to meet the prince by way of the Bardes River.

I went to Goa and recounted to the viceroy what had happened. He was considerably gratified at the way I had arranged matters, and at deliverance from the peril he had been in of losing the island. I urged him to give the ambassadors their dismissal with the presents he meant to send to His Highness. In the morning I did my very best to be sent off early, in order to fulfil my promise to reach His Highness at two o'clock in the afternoon. But His Excellency wanted me to carry a letter to the prince, and kept me waiting longer than was necessary. For this reason the prince, finding I did not arrive at the appointed hour, ordered Bardes to be plundered, and thereby force the viceroy to send me at once.

His Highness had ordered that as soon as ever they perceived me approaching, they were to stop further plundering. The sentries, who recognised me, shouted and ran about to make the soldiers give over, but that did not help the poor wretches already stripped bare. [...] It is impossible for me to detail the gifts I received from all the court, and even from the princesses and sons of Shah 'Alam. The latter was aware that I was serving him reluctantly, and thus instigated these others to propitiate me [...]

60.

[...]After a few days the Portuguese ambassadors arrived ; they were Joao Antunes Portugal and Manoel de Santo Pinto. They brought some showy presents, and lengths of ornamented China cloth, some lovely branches of coral, and six small pieces of artillery, with other objects, the whole being worth a good amount.

They were well received, and sarapa (sets of robes) were ordered for each of them, in addition to two thousand rupees. For the viceroy there were given a caparisoned horse, a dagger mounted with precious stones, a little bottle of essence of roses, and an honourable formao (farman, or rescript ?) [...][Page 184] [...]

Manoel de Santo Pinto then returned to the viceroy, and reported to him the above two affairs. On this account the the viceroy sent me, through him, the proposition that I should accept either the knighthood of Sant' Iago, or a village yielding annually a thousand xerafins (ashraf'i). I did not want to accept one or the other, but Manoel de Santo Pinto pressed the accepting of one of the offers, as it would affront the viceroy if I refused. I therefore accepted the knighthood of Sant' Iago, which he forthwith conferred on me, together with the letters patent, in which are set forth the two particular services aforesaid which I rendered to the crown of Portugal, as may be seen from the following copy of that patent :

"Dom Pedro, by the Grace of God, Prince of Portugal and of the Algarves, on this and that side of the sea in Africa, of Guinea, and of the conquered commercial navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, et cetera; As regent and successor, and ruler of the said realms and lordships, and governor and perpetual administrator, as I am, of the Master ship and Knighthood of the three Military orders :

[Page 185] "Be it known to all beholding this Patent, that having regard to the services done by Niculao Manuchy in our Indian dominions on various occasions arising in our service; by translating the letters written by the Mogul King to the Count, our viceroy in the said Dominions ; and by being present during the conferences with his ambassador, Shekh Muhammad, upon the matters under negotiation ; subsequently, upon the approach of the prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, Shah 'Alam, eldest son of the said king, with his army, to the vicinity of the said Dominions, by accompanying the envoy that the said Count, our viceroy, sent to the said Prince ; and by going more than once to the said army on various matters of great importance appertaining to the said Dominions. Wherein the said Niculao Manuchy conducted himself with great fidelity and zeal in our service ; from which we anticipate he will act in the same way from now henceforth. "

"For all these reasons he is worthy of every honour and favour, and to prove to the said Prince the esteem in which we hold his person ; We hold it expedient to make a grant to the said Niculao Manuchi of the vestment of the order of Sao Tiago which he can wear on his breast like a true knight, for which he will be recognised, and respected as such, enjoying all the honours and privileges thereto appertaining.

" Wherefore I order that this patent now issued be made over to him, that it be carried out and observed in its entirety, as therein set forth, and that it be sealed with the seal bearing the Royal Arms of the Crown of Portugal. Our Lord the Prince issues it through Francisco de Tavora, Count of Alvor, one of His Councillors of State, Viceroy and Captain-General of India, Executed by the Custodian Souza Moreira in Goa the twenty and ninth of January of one thousand six hundred and eighty-four.

" Ordered to be recorded.

" The Secretary, " Luis Gonsalves Cota.

"Count of Alvor. " LUIS GONSALVES COTA [Page 186]

" Patent by which Your Highness is pleased to grant to Niculao Manuchy the vestment of the Order of Sao Thiago, to be borne on his breast as a true knight enjoying all the honours and privileges pertaining thereto, as is above declared.

" Verified by Your Highness. " Registered in the Book of Grants in the State Secretariat on page twenty-nine.

"Luis Gonsalves Cota."

61.

I did not wish to continue in the service of Shah 'Alam, for I did not feel happy living among Mahomedans. I saw that these campaigns would not soon come to an end, and thus I should be forced to wander here and there and everywhere with the prince's camp. I took my measures for flight, as was my intention [...]

I waited until the prince had set out, and then I made off, hoping to catch up the ambassador and his boat. But he had gone off to feast himself in the Dutch factory, and thus the attempt failed. When the prince knew of it, he fell into a great rage at my attempted flight, and ordered his foster-brother, Mir Muhammad, to whose charge he had committed me, to go off in search of me, and not to come back to his presence until he brought me with him [...][Page 187] [...]

But he knew I was no lover of violence, so he sent to the sea shore a caparisoned horse for me to ride, and an elephant, along with five hundred horsemen to escort me. This was all to do me great honour, but they were to seize me if they came across me [...]

[Page 188] [...]I replied that I fully admitted the love with which His Highness was pleased to favour me ; but my expenses were heavy, nor did I deserve less pay than that given to the other physicians. Thus I could not continue to serve him. Besides this, his ministers and the officials made me wait a very long time for the little His Highness gave me. In this way while in his service I was expending my patrimony with out benefit and with nothing but distress [...]

[...]Well might I talk thus, for I neither sought for, nor was I in need of, the prince's pay, and thoroughly content should I have been had he grown angry and said: " Be off with you." But he, instead of getting angry and expelling me, ordered, in my hearing, a guard of horse and foot to be put upon me, as he did not want me to escape again. Seeing thus how determined he was, I said I could not follow him, not having the necessary equipment ; all my baggage was in Goa. On this account I prayed leave to visit Goa to fetch my things, and bid farewell to my relations. I pledged my word to come back within the term of seven days.

He was reluctant to give me this leave, but in the end said he would grant it if I swore to come back again. I swore after the manner of Hindustan — that is, by the feet of His Highness — I would appear again. But he refused this oath, and called upon me to swear by the name of the Messiah, and that then he would place faith in my words and permit me to [Page 189] quit the royal camp. Finding he required this of me, I swore by the terrible, venerable, and admirable name of Jesus that I would be faithful to my promise. Then he granted me the leave, and conferred on me another set of robes (sarapa).

Though thus obliged to abandon Goa, which I had wished to serve to the utmost of my power, I resolved to seize the occasion for alleviating the great necessity from which it was then suffering. There was a famine from want of supplies, especially of wheat, of which there was none in Goa, not even enough to prepare the host. I asked the prince to let me have a cargo of wheat, his army being fully supplied. It was to be delivered at Goa on the account of the merchants, for I wished to confer this benefit on my intimates by way of a parting gift. My petition was acceded to, and embarking on the same vessel, I went to Goa, where the Portuguese were much pleased at the benefit I had gained for them from the prince, and the merchants acquired their profit. After two days I took leave of the viceroy and my friends, and returned to the royal camp, where the prince awaited me with great eagerness.

When I arrived I learnt that the prince was already prepared for the march, having completed the destruction of the White Pagoda and other edifices belonging to Sambha Ji [...][Page 190] [...]

After this we marched and climbed a mountain called Ramgat (? Ramghat), a league and a half of ascent. Here Sambha Ji might have killed the whole of us, for it was a place difficult to climb, with narrow paths passing through jungle and thorny scrub. But he did not choose to attempt it, and they said he was acting in collusion with Shah 'Alam.

But what Sambha Ji did not do by attacking us, God carried out by the pestilence which raged in the army with such violence that in seven days of its prevalence everyone died who was attacked — that is, about one-third of the army. Of this disease there died every day five hundred men ; nor was the mortality confined to men only — it extended to horses, elephants, and camels. This made the air pestilential, and it being a confined route, supplies also failed, and this was like encountering another enemy. For although, as I said, wheat was abundant, from this time there were no animals to carry it. Thus the soldiers had more than enough to undergo. Many of those whose horses died had no money to buy others, nor was there anyone in the camp ready to sell. They were thus forced to march on foot, and many died of the great heat and thirst they underwent. Having reached the top of this pass, we marched for the kingdom of Bijapur. Several times we were watched on the march by the enemy, who, whenever occasion served, spared neither our baggage nor ourselves, plundering in all directions.

Finally, we arrived at Aamadanaguer (Ahmadnagar), where, as I stated in the First Part of my History , Chand Bibi caused golden and silver balls to be fired from her cannon, with an inscription that the ball should belong to the finder [...]

62.

[...]As I was already dissatisfied with all this marching, I continued to reflect on modes of retiring to Europe, there to enjoy the much or little that I had fairly earned by my labours. I therefore asked Shah 'Alam for leave to visit Surat on some business I had there. But as he knew by experience that my determination was to proceed still farther, he ordered his slaves to watch carefully that I did not take to flight. He refused to give any other answer.

Seeing him to be thus positive, I adopted another plan, which was to write to Muhammad Ibrahim begging him to assist me in my escape [...][Page 192] [...]

Nor must I omit to mention how some Christians in the service of the Gulkandah king, aware that I was seeking to escape from Shah 'Alam, came out to meet me and escort me, so as to take my side in case any of the Gulkandah troops attempted to interfere with me [...][Page 193] [...]

I jumped on my horse at once, and travelled for three days, until I arrived at Gulkandah. There I repaired to the house of a friend, Monsieur Francisco Guety, and he conducted me to the mansion of Xarif Elmulq (Sharif-ul-mulk), brother-in-law of the Gulkandah king [...]

Thus the king heard of my arrival. As his European physician, a Frenchman named Monsieur Destremon, was dead, the king sent for me to his presence. There, after some conversation, he directed me to go and bleed a woman in his harem, much cherished by him because she knew where the treasures of the King of Gulkandah, Cotobxa (Qutb Shah), were concealed. She was a Georgian, and so extremely stout, and the fat covered the veins so much, that blood could not be drawn from her except from the capillary veins. Her arms were covered with lancet marks. I felt for the vein, and after fixing the bandage, I took a measure twice the size I used for others ; and I reached the vein with such dexterity that the blood gushed out with great force. Everyone was in admiration at seeing a thing that had never happened before with this woman [...]

63.

While Shah 'Alam was halted in that province (Kohir) waiting for the receipt of the treasure, elephants, jewels, and war materials, in accordance with the treaty, he requested the king to have a search made for me and send me to him, as he wanted me. Horsemen were sent by the king to fetch me, with orders to the governors that if I refused to come willingly I was to be sent by force [...]

[...]When I appeared to make my obeisance to the king, he declared himself pleased at my coming. Urgently I begged him, as I had come under protection of his word, not to deliver me into the hands of Shah 'Alam. By this he was somewhat disconcerted, and fixed my pay at seven hundred rupees a month. But I declared that I would not accept pay, that I meant to serve him for nothing. Nevertheless, [Page 195] he sent seven hundred rupees to my abode, and while I was with him he ordered a set of robes to be conferred on me. He gave a private order to post a hundred horsemen in the street where I was staying to prevent anyone interfering with me [...]

[...]I then went out and betook myself to the house of the Dutch envoy, who was then Lourenco Pit, and begged his assistance in this delicate situation. After that I sent for the Father Vicar of Gulkandah, named Frey Francisco, of the order of St. Augustin, and most urgently entreated him to see Rustam Rao and procure leave to remove to Machhlipatanam a brother of his called Augustinho, who had fallen ill [...][Page 196] [...]I got into a palanquin and feigned to be unwell ; and praise be to God , the spies never discovered me. Thus did I make my journey without the envoy of Shah 'Alam being aware of my departure. I went on until I arrived at Madrasta (Madras) or Fort St. George, which belongs to the English, and there I was free of all danger [...]

64.

On my arrival in Madras the Portuguese gentlemen, who knew the zeal with which I had worked for their nation at Goa, came to see me. They congratulated me on my arrival, and offered their services in whatever way would be of use to me. Such help they would give most willingly. But I was all anxiety to see Senhor Francisco Martim (Francois Martin), Director- General of the Royal Company of France, who had come back to Pudichery (Pondicherry) from Surat. I got into a palanquin and went off to visit him, where I was well received and well entertained for several days. He gave me the advice not to return to Europe, but to marry in India [...] [Page 197] [...] [...]

For, as they told me, having become accustomed to the climate and the food of India, and being already advanced in age, I should not last very long in Europe. Thus I quitted Pondicherry and returned to Madras, meaning to find out the intentions of the said lady. There I arrived at the end of June in one thousand six hundred and eighty-six ; and I talked with the well-known fathers Zenao (Zenon) and Ephrem Ephraim), Capuchins, and apostolic missionaries in Madras, otherwise Fort St. George. [...]By the favour of God I was married on St. Simon's and St. Jude's Day of that same year (1686).

I had a son, but God chose rather to make him an angel in Paradise than leave him to suffer in this world [...][Page 198] [...]I had acquired several secrets, in which, it may be, I shall allow the world to participate, for I have no heir to whom to bequeath these treasures that preserve our bodily health. But among the others I may as well mention that I manufactured certain cordials regardless of expense, the same being wonderful in certain complaints, as many can testify. Yet it is only a short time ago that I began to distribute these cordials, for I have no wish to imitate those who, keener for others' gold than the health of their fellow-men, make up mixtures of various things and sell them as cordials. I did not begin to sell mine until experience had taught me that the purchasers would not be cheated [...]

I know quite well that some in reading this History will comment on my leaving the Mogul country so many times and then going back. Some will say to themselves that in those lands there must be some delectable fields which caused my return there. But in reality, granting that by God's favour I did have the luck to attain some good fortune, yet never had I any desire to settle there. For, of a truth, they have nothing that can delight or win people from Europe, or make them desire to live there. The country is not good for the body, much less for the soul ; for the body, because it is requisite to live ever on the qui vive and keep your eyes open, since no one ever says a word to be relied upon. It is continuously requisite to think the worst and believe the contrary of what is said ; for it is the habit there absolutely to act according to the proverb of my country, " Pleasant words, sad actions." They deceive both the acute and the careless ; thus, when they show themselves the greatest friends, you require to be doubly carefu [...]l

[Page 199] [...]nor should have i ever gone back there, had i not been forced by necessity. I offer up many thanks to God that at length He granted me means to deliver myself, and I assure the reader that few Europeans could live there with the advantages and honours I was able to achieve [...]

65.

Among other occasions there was one when the king's wife, the mother of Shah 'Alam, was graciously pleased to give me this testimony of her goodwill towards me in recognition of my having accompanied the prince, her son, from Goa to the court [...]When I bled her, she put her arm out from the curtain, but wrapped up, leaving only one little spot uncovered, about as wide as two fingers, close to the vein. For that attendance I got from her four hundred rupees and a sarapa (set of robes) as a present, and I bled her regularly twice a year.

It should be understood that before a European can acquire the office of physician among these princes he must be put to the proof for a long time, for they are extremely distrustful and nice in such matters. Every month the princesses and the ladies have themselves bled, which is done in the way I have above described. It is just the same when they want themselves bled in the foot, or have any wound or fistula dressed. Nothing is ever shown but the part affected, or the vein they wish opened [...][Page 201] [...]

Perhaps it will not be found altogether devoid of utility if I impart to my readers several events that happened to me, which are proof of the prince's kindness and of the friendship he bore me. Seeing that I was not married, he inquired from me, through the first princess in his mahal (seraglio), why I did not take a wife. I replied that I found none of my standing that took my fancy. This lady and her husband were both desirous to get me married so as to retain me, and hinder my leaving Hindustan and his court. She said to me that she would send for all the daughters of Christians, whether Europeans or Armenians, and I had only to choose the one I liked best. She would see that I obtained the girl, would give her away in marriage herself, and provide all the expenses necessary on such an occasion, adding a number of other promises. I thanked her, and made her understand how grateful I was for all her favours ; but, being a man of family, it was not correct for me to accept a bride such as she proposed [...]

66.

It is the custom in the royal household, when a physician is called within the mahal, for the eunuch to cover his head with a cloth, which hangs down to his waist. They then conduct him to the patient's room, and he is taken out in the same manner. The first time that I was led through the palace I was fitted out in the above fashion, but, by premeditation, I walked as slowly as I could, in spite of the urging of my guides, the eunuchs. The prince, having seen this, ordered them to uncover me, and that in future I was to be allowed to come in and go out without being covered. He said that the minds of Christians were not filthy like those of Mahomedans [...] [Page 205] [...]

Shah 'Alam had usually with him a Hindu prince called Bau Sing (Bhao Singh), leader of twelve thousand horsemen and a vassal of the king. He served under the orders of Shah 'Alam. Noticing that he had ceased to come to court, being unwell, the prince sent me to visit him on his behalf, and to offer my services. This was merely to oblige him, and gain him to his side should any occasion present itself.

The rajah was already old, and was suffering from his lungs. The prince, however, directed me to observe him and reckon how long he might yet live. Bhao Singh received my visit but refused my services, and told me if I gave him any medicines he would put them with the rest I saw there. He had a whole roomful. God might do with him according to His pleasure, but he would not take the medicines, beyond looking at them. All this care was because he was afraid of being poisoned. This fear was increased by the example he had in Rajah Jai Singh and several others, to whom such a fate had happened [...][Page 207] [...]

I was warned that this was one of Shah 'Alam's tricks, only resorted to in the hope that she would take my fancy — that I should have an affair with her, and by this means he would obtain an opening for compelling my continuance in Hindustan, with a change in my religion, or else the loss of my life, as has happened to many who have lost their souls for a woman's love [...]It chanced that a brother-in-law of the prince, named Mirza Sulaiman Beg, fell ill from a fullness of blood. The prince directed his chief Persian physicians, named Aguins (Hakims), Moquins (?Muqim), and Mosencan (Muhsin Khan), to prescribe for him. They failed in curing him, and instead of bleeding him and cooling him down, they gave him hot remedies. They treated him in such a way that in a few days he was in the throes of death. When he was in this state, one of his brothers, named Mirza Mahomed Moquim (Muhammad Muqim), took me to the patient's house, hoping I might help him. I saw [Page 208] at once there was nothing more to be done. On the prince hearing the opinion I had expressed about his brother-in-law, he asked his physicians the reason he had fallen into this condition. They had the ill-will to say that I was the cause. To find out the truth Shah 'Alam sent the nazir Daulat, the chief eunuch of his palace. This man, on his return, reported that the patient complained that the said physicians had killed him, whereas, had the Doctor Nicolas only treated him, he would not have lost his life. While saying these words the poor man expired. But the testimony he had given for me conferred much credit upon me at the court, and gained me the esteem of everybody [...]

[Page 209] [...]Shah 'Alam had directed the physician Muqim to treat the wife of one of his captains called Mabarescan (Mubariz Khan), a man much beloved by that prince. This woman had been long in a decline, and was worn out by the quantity of blood she had lost. The doctor, finding that his remedies did her no good, lost all hope of her, and intimated to the prince that her life was in danger. On hearing this, Shah 'Alam ordered me to take over the case. I applied myself to her relief with all possible care and diligence, and in a short time I had pulled her through. The physician was vexed in his mind, but outwardly he displayed much goodwill to me, just the contrary of his real feeling. I was not taken in, for I had known that pilgrim for many a long day.

The physician Muhsin Khan treated a uterine (?foster) brother of the prince, whose name was Muhammad Riza. He had a severe fever, which made him delirious. The physician, not recognising his complaint, came to [Page 210] the conclusion that there was no remedy, and gave him up. After that I was ordered to treat the man, and in a short time I put him on his legs again. There were other patients who had been given up in the same way by these gentlemen, but subsequently recovered their health under my hands, to those physicians' disgrace and loss of reputation. This is the reason they were no friends of mine ; still more so that, though their patients came to me, none of mine went to them.

I also cured a noble from Balkh called Fath-ullah Khan, a title conferred on him by the king. He had afterwards married an extremely pretty woman, who had served up to him nothing but delicious plats until he had got ill and lost his appetite. He grew so thin that he looked like a skeleton, and no physician was able to do him any good. In the end Shah 'Alam ordered me to take charge of him. I knew the constitution of these savages, so I gave him a comforting syrup, which could do him neither harm nor good. Then I ordered him to get his stews made of horseflesh, and by this means he was in a short time restored to his former rude strength [...]

In the year one thousand six hundred and eighty - six, seven days after my arrival at Madras, Governor William Guiford (Gyfford) sent for me, and informed me that the governors and officials of the Mogul king in the Bengal province had been illtreating his (the English) factors. They hindered them from exercising the privileges conceded to them by the Mogul kings [...] I wrote a letter to one of the king's eunuchs, a very familiar friend of mine, called Necruz (Nekroz) — that is, "Fortunate Day." In it I informed him with great politeness of the troubles suffered by the English nation within His Majesty's dominions, including many necessary particulars. I prayed him as a favour to deliver this letter to the king, and he, out of his great friendship for me, and aware also that His Majesty himself knew who I was, delivered the letter with confidence when the king was among his women [...]

68.

A year afterwards there came to me from Goa a sum of three thousand and seven hundred patacas (Rs. 7,400), which I had deposited with Father Salvador Gallo, prefect of the Theatines. The said father handed the money to my attorney, Joao Lopes de Figueredo, a Portuguese born in India, to be delivered to me. When this man arrived at the port of San Thome the above named were at that time governing, and were also the magistrates. Thus, when the said Joao landed, they seized him and confiscated everything he brought with him, taking possession also of his ship, under the false declaration that he was the debtor of certain Jews called Bertolameo Rodrigues, Domingos do Porto, and Alvaro da Fonecqua. These magistrates called upon him to pay a debt due from a man of his (Figueredo's) faction, called Francisco de Lima, owed to the above Jews. These latter were much delighted at the benefit thus done them [...][Page 219] [...]

in the year one thousand seven hundred (1700), there came as Governor of San Thome, on behalf of King Aurangzeb, a friend of mine called Xefican (Shaff Khan). He was told of the injustice and robbery done to me by the Portuguese of San Thome, and revived the suit. The men were summoned to his presence. He asked them about the debt due to me, when they answered boldly that they knew of no such thing, nor did they owe me anything, and they offered to swear upon the Holy Evangelists.

As the governor did not know the European languages, he applied to Mr. Thomas Pitt, Governor of Madrasta (Madras), sending him my papers and affidavits for inspection, and asked him to decide according to right. The said governor sent the papers to be translated into English. There was a delay of two months in getting this done. At the end of this time he sent for the Portuguese, and asked them in a friendly way to give me some satisfaction, because it seemed to him that Nicolas Manuchy (sic) was a most reasonable man, and they ought to come to an agreement with me. In a most haughty and contumacious manner they replied they owed me nought, nor would they pay me anything.

A few days afterwards he (Mr. Pitt) assembled the whole council, the magistrates, and the learned men of different nations. They all sat together and deliberated. The Portuguese were called in, and in their presence in a loud voice he (the governor) read my documents, when those present decided unanimously that I had been wronged. It was decreed that the debtors must pay me. They were thus unmasked before all the Europeans and Mahomedans ; yet not for this would they reform and turn from their evil ways.

[Page 220] I will add another case which happened to me in the same San Thome with the aforesaid Manoel da Silva de Menezes in the year ninety (1690), in the month of March. I had advanced five hundred patacas to a Genoese merchant called Jorge Bianco for trading in Pegu. He sent the principal with the agreed profit to be paid to me in San Thome. The said Manoel da Silva de Mendezes was then judge. He took possession of my money, and wanted to pay with his usual arguments; and in spite of all my efforts I could not obtain payment of what was mine. In the end I made use of certain friars who interceded for me with Thomas de Maya, the chief captain then holding office, and he did what he could out of friendship for me. He ordered me to be paid ; but behold the way Manoel da Silva wanted to satisfy me! He had bought some koris (scores or twenties) of cloth for thirty patacas the score. He wanted to pay me in this cloth, entering every score in my account at eighty patacas. Since I declined to accept, I only received a little cash, losing part of my principal and all the profit [...]

[Page 221] [...]Many is the time I have wished to do good to and help necessitous persons ; but afterwards, instead of being thanked, [Page 222] I issued from the matter under sentence of crime as a misdoer and a rogue. Thus was it with what happened to me in the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-two.

Taking with me the ambassador from Goa, Joao Antunio Portugal, I set out for the army of Shah 'Alam, then lying near Goa territory. In our company were twenty men of rank, one Jesuit called Antonio de Barro, a Theatine called Dom Joseph Tedesqui, and a priest known by the name of Gonsallo Lopes. The whole party was put up by me in a large tent which the prince had assigned as my quarters, and there I entertained them as befitted them.

The next day I brought them to the court of Shah 'Alam, and there with the greatest difficulty I obtained leave for the entry of three persons only ; but out of respect for me they were relieved of the heavy expenditure which has to be incurred by custom at all such courts. The Prince Shah 'Alam desired me to remain with him, and in order to compel or induce me sent his confidant, Mirza Muhammad Riza, officer of his table and a great friend of mine, to make over to me two thousand rupees, which I was to accept, giving as a reason that I had spent considerable sums on His Highness's service. He had express orders that he must make me accept the money. I brought forward some objections to receiving it, but he embraced me, and, encouraging me, earnestly besought me to accept. The supplicant, finding I did not want to accept, left the money, beat a hasty retreat, and I gave orders to lock up the cash [...]

69.

In Goa there was a well-born man called Lourenco da Cunha, who pretended to be my friend. On my taking leave of the viceroy, at the time when I was about to start for the Mogul army to undertake negotiations for the State, this man carried me to his house, where I stopped all night. He asked me to convey in my boat a box containing various Chinese curiosities, which might be worth fifty rupees, hoping to sell them in the army. I excused myself for two reasons. The first was that the goods were not suitable for Mahomedans, being images of tigers, cats, cocks, et cetera. The second was because the things could not be carried safely, owing to the difficult marches we were to make. [...]The next day my friend Lourenco da Cunha turned up and demanded from me four hundred and fifty rupees for the goods he had put into my boat. My arguments were of no avail, he talking preposterously. Finding all this trouble, and being careless about money, I ordered the payment of the amount he claimed, and before his face caused all the contents of the box to be distributed to common people. He declared he was doing me a favour in letting me have the things so cheap. [Page 225] These fellows glory in cheating foreigners without scruple.

This incident brings to mind that in seventy-six (1676) I left the Mogul territory and stopped a few days at Damao (Daman). At that time a Portuguese fleet arrived as convoy to the ships going to Surat and Kambaya. The principal men in this fleet begged me to open my boxes, as they wanted to see some of my curiosities. I could not refuse, and holding them to be gentle men of position, I allowed them an inspection ; but it was not long before some of the articles had disappeared. I suppressed any remark, for if I had taken any action they would have assassinated me without fail, as is customary among them [...]

[Page 227] [...]The first time I was in the city of Goa I lived in the street called Santo Aleixo, opposite some large houses. In one of these lived a widow called Dona Christiana ; she was rich and led a quiet life . She wanted to marry me, a thing I never dreamt of. Seeing that I made no approaches and made no effort, she resorted to a trick. This consisted in sending for the prior of the Carmes, Friar Pheliciano de Santa Teresa, a native of Milan and a great friend of mine. To him she complained that I had been pursuing her, sending her offers of marriage, to which she had replied that she had no thought of such a thing. The father believed her words, being unaware of Indian women's trickish ways ; and coming to pay me a visit, as he constantly did, he prayed me with the greatest gentleness not to persecute Dona Christiana with such proposals as I had sent her, saying I wanted to marry her. When I heard the padre talk like this, I was plunged in thought, trying to remember if on any day I had given the widow occasion for such a complaint about me. Examining my mind thoroughly, I found I had not the least remembrance of her, and said so to the father. He smiled, and said he hoped there would be no more complaints against me. As a satisfaction to him I left the neighbourhood and lived elsewhere.

Eight days afterwards the same priest came straight from the widow's house to find me, and directly he saw me began once more to complain harshly, saying I should be the cause of that woman losing her [Page 228] reputation. He begged me, for the love of God, to abandon any such thoughts. Feeling myself quite innocent in the matter, I replied to the padre that never had I dreamt either of stopping or of marrying in Goa. As it seemed to me, it was she who wanted to marry me, and had thus called in the padre as intermediary and made use of this artifice. I laid before him many similar affairs that had happened in India. But the priest was not a practical man, and had not been long in India ; so he believed what the woman said, and made me out the culprit. He told me I was not speaking the truth ; and finding my arguments did not prevail, I gave my word to the priest that in a short time I would quit Goa, if he would only give me the time to prepare, and this he did.

[...]on arriving in the town of Bassaim (Bassein) in one thousand six hundred and sixty-six (1666), I was sent for by the commissary of the Inquisition. He was the prior of the Franciscan convent, and three times over he examined me to find out about me and my life. Discovering nothing suspicious by his interrogatory, he made me swear upon a holy crucifix. Then, finding that there was nothing wrong in my replies, he embraced me, and treating me as an educated man with a clear conscience, he sent me away, saying that now I was free and he would not send for me any more. I came to discover, in the course of time, that my accuser was the father Damao Vieira, a man expelled from the Jesuit order. This is the man who came as an envoy to Rajah Jai Singh, and promised to reduce the city of Bijapur by miracle [...]

70.

[...]At the beginning of December (? 1701) the Reverend Father Martin, Jesuit, appeared at my house. After a good deal of ceremony and compliments, he produced a letter from Monsieur Martin, governor of Pondicherry, in which he begged me as a Christian to be so good as to interest myself in the protection of these oppressed believers, and procure for them some respite, they and their imprisoned pastors. He represented to me that their misfortunes arose from nothing but certain acts and importunities of this, that, and the other person in the king's entourage, whereby from being their friend he had been turned into their enemy.

The Reverend Father (Martin) had brought with him a large present made up of European curiosities, a [Page 232] mirror of crystal, and a poignard mounted with jewels in the style of this country. He expected by means of these presents to procure some letters of recommendation from the Governor-General Daoutan (Da,ud Khan), who has taken the place of Jufacarcan (Zu,lfiqar Khan).

He has been sent into this kingdom of the Karnatik by orders of Aurangzeb, whose domination extends over all the petty Hindu kings and governors of these countries, all of them being tributary to him [...]

I took into consideration in a Christian spirit the misfortunes to which this new Christian community was exposed. I was also of opinion that all these presents would be useless and in vain ; for this reason I did not think it advisable to present them, because these Mahomedans are very touchy, and I feared that the general might conceive some idea quite opposed to the facts. Neither did I desire the father to go to him, though this was his intention ; and he meant to take me with him, he meeting the necessary expenses of the journey. I made up my mind to avoid all this labour and expenditure by writing a letter on the subject to this nobleman. In it I besought him as a friend, and by reason of the obligation that he had always professed to be under to me, to look with a favourable eye upon the Christians of Tanjor. They had been cruelly persecuted by their king, who had unjustly imprisoned two Jesuit fathers, my near relations. Would he have the goodness to interpose with his authority to protect the said Christians and get those fathers out of prison, where they were so unjustly and so narrowly detained, and also procure the restitution to the former (the Christians) of the goods so unjustly forfeited ? I wrote other letters on the same subject to the first minister of the Karnatik province (? the Diwan), who is always in attendance on the above general ; also to other officers of the army with whom I was acquainted and who were [Page 233] great friends of mine. I sent all this correspondence to the camp by one of my servants [...]

71.

I have already spoken of the general Da,ud Khan on several occasions. Here I must remark that he came to this province of the Karnatik in the month of January, 1701, and on his arrival he camped below the great fortress of Arcat (Arkat), an ancient strong place of the Hindu kings, at a distance inland from Madras of about thirty-four leagues. Thence he did me the honour of addressing me a very civil letter, inviting me to pay him a visit. To do this I had not the slightest intention.

But the governor of this locality (Madras) and his council, having heard what was passing, made use of the occasion to send him a present and congratulate him on his auspicious arrival [...]

I started and carried with me a fine present, consisting of two cannon, several lengths of broad-cloth in scarlet and other colours, other pieces of gold cloth of Europe and China, and several rareties such as mirrors of all sizes, different kinds of crystal vases, and some weapons such as fusils, pistols, and sabres ; also different kinds of wine ; added to all of which was a sum of five thousand rupees. As soon as Da,ud Khan heard that I was coming, he desired to honour me so far as to send a captain with thirty horsemen and fifty musketeers to receive me at a distance of five leagues from his camp [...]

[Page 238] [...]Moreover, they look on it as a distinction and an honour to receive presents in public, but as regards money they never take it but in secret [...]

72.

In addition, there were many merchants, weavers, cloth printers, and others, for all of whom the English provided a livelihood. Many subjects of the king of this realm and others knew very well that every year there were earned in Madras five lakhs of gold pagodas (equal to about one million of patacas, more or less) and over ten lakhs of silver rupees (which amounts to five hundred thousand patacas). The whole of this money remained in the country, and in exchange for all this the English carried off to Europe no more than some cotton cloth. Let him reflect, that if he objected to the residence of the English at Madras, and if he bothered his head about their gaining such considerable sums, it was requisite for Aurangzeb and his subjects to give them the time to withdraw to Europe. They (the English) set little store by the place ; yet if they were forced to abandon it, they would also give up the other towns and factories they held in the Indies. In that case they would cease to be friends and become enemies. Upon their departure they would without fail seize every ship they came across, and thereby spread ruin and desolation throughout the Mogul empire [...]

[Page 246] [...]Lastly, he reached Madras with all his army. At this spot the Governor of Madras sent out to salute him Mr. Ellis, the second-in-council, accompanied by two other officials. By chance I happened to be present when these gentlemen arrived at the camp, because I had gone there also to pay my respects to the general and the chief minister [...]

The visitors were badly enough received ; for Da,ud Khan declined to receive this "ordinary present," as he styled it. He told them plainly that these articles were not such as could be presented to a man of his rank. He felt astonished that the governor should send him presents of such small importance ; he should remember that he was the first man in the province, and lieutenant-general for the Great Mogul. He also said to them that he was [Page 247] greatly amazed at the governor's sending a Brahman to Arkat in the company of Dr. Manouchy, to take part in a discussion of their business. The matter was fully im portant enough to demand quite another stamp of man than this Brahman, a nobody and of no standing. His amazement was all the greater, since the man had tried to do harm to Dr. Manouchy, who had been brought up in the courts of Asia, more especially in that of the Great Mogul. He added some further words in my praise and to my honour, such as it is not meet for me to repeat.

In the end the Englishmen were given leave to depart, and they received some very fine cloth of gold and silver, of which he made them a present. He added many soft and sugared words, for he declared to them that he was a firm friend of their nation ; they ought to repose entire confidence in him, for he would at all times be ready to do them a service in all matters. But along with these speeches he did not omit to tell them that presents sent to a minister of his standing ought to be large and proportionate to his rank and authority.

Those gentlemen wished to make excuses, but he declined to listen. Whatever efforts they made to persuade him that they were treating him exactly like all the other nawabs, his predecessors, and above all, Zu,lfiqar Khan, who is generalissimo at the court of the Mogul, he remained deaf to all their arguments. The English were much put out by this treatment, which was founded on nothing but cupidity. Therefore, foreseeing the inconveniences likely to be produced by his displeasure, they decided to employ some friends to plead their cause. They applied to the chief minister and others, who adjusted the quarrel. The conditions were that the same presents should be sent again, adding five thousand rupees and some very rare European curiosities. After this they became friends.

Da,ud Khan subsequently (July 11) sent a message [Page 248] to the governor that he was desirous of visiting him, as he (Pitt) could not come to San Thome. The governor requested me to go to that place (San Thome) to receive him (Da,ud Khan) (July 12), and escort him to this fortress (Fort St. George). This I did [...]

Upon reaching the gate of the town, we perceived all the soldiers — European and Indian — under arms, and drawn up in single rank on both sides from that spot up to the fort gate, while a number of armed men were on the town wall and the fort wall. These were arranged in excellent order, much to the astonishment of Da,ud Khan, who could not repress signs of admiration. Still greater was his amazement when, as they drew near the fort gateway, the soldiers and their officers, on catching sight of the governor, drew themselves up in line and went through divers movements which were quite unknown to him. They were only done in his honour and that of the governor. But being unaccustomed to all this military ceremonial, he was thrown into a state of confusion and apprehension. He believed himself to be already a prisoner. For this reason he spoke to me in a loud voice, requesting that all these men might be withdrawn. I reassured him, saying that it was nothing but the usual ceremonial and method among these troops ; he should not be in the least afraid, or suspect any thing. At the same time, I took care to cry out to the soldiers that they must retire.

While I was speaking the governor arrived, accompanied by a large number of officials and servants. I told him (Pitt) he must embrace Da,ud Khan, who by this time had dismounted with all his retinue. This embrace was given, and then the chief minister and the bakhshi were received in the same fashion. [Page 249] Then we entered the fort, where the governor paid him innumerable tokens of respect and friendship, and conducted him to his rooms. These were magnificently furnished. The bed in his room was covered with a quilt of (blank) . He admired it in a way to show that he had never seen one like it before, and he begged me to ask the governor if he could give him a pattern of that coverlet, and this I did in a low voice.

The latter (Pitt), readier even to give than the other to ask, made him a present of two others. He even offered to give him the whole bed. Da,ud Khan would not accept this, contenting himself with the two bed-covers, these being of a wonderful, extraordinary, and strange workmanship. Upon entering the room, the governor presented to him a ball of ambergris mounted in gold, with a rich chain of the same metal. After this was done they sat down, and the conversation turned on various subjects with offers of service. When the talk was finished, the governor sent for wine, and drank to the health of King Aurangzeb to a salute of thirty-one guns [...]

He was astonished at the rapidity and dexterity with which everything was carried out, and was highly gratified by it all. While these ceremonies were taking place, they made him a present of several cases of liqueurs, spirits, and wines of Europe of [Page 250] different sorts. All these he greatly prized. Next he was led into a large hall adorned with all kinds of arms. There he found a magnificent dinner prepared in European and in Indian fashion. He admired the variety of the arms, for which, however, he had no envy, unless for the spears. Having asked the governor for one, two were given to him [...]

73.

At the end of December, 1701, I was at Pondicherry on business connected with the Tanjor persecutions, of which I have spoken already. At the end of January in the next year (1702) I had trustworthy information that Da,ud Khan and the diwan with their whole army were about to leave Arkat again for Madras. This fact I learnt from different sources through various friends and officials known to me, some of whom sent a warning to me that during this march some harm was intended to Madras.

He had received peremptory orders from the court to deal rigorously with the English.

This news forced me to forsake the pleasant company of the French, in order to return with all possible haste to Madras. I arrived there on February 2 of the same year (1702). On my taking leave of them the governor, Francois Martin, and the other officials of the Royal Company, strongly enjoined me to let them know what happened between the English and the Mahomedans, sending off immediately express messengers (pions). This requisition I executed without fail.

A few days afterwards I warned Governor Pitt of Da,ud Khan's approach. In fact, he arrived at San Thome two days afterwards. On my advice they sent to him a Mahomedan servant of and trader under the Company, named Coja Ammad (Khwajah Ahmad), as also another merchant of the town named Narapa. But the second man fell ill, and only the first-named went ; I went also.

There I found the general, the diwan, the bakhshi, and all the officers assembled. They received me most cordially, showing many signs of joy and embracing me. They sent without delay for Khwajah Ahmad, who appeared at once. They directed him to inform the governor of Madras that they desired his presence at San Thome. They had important matters to communicate to him. If he could not come himself,[Page 252] would he send the second and third in council (February 4 or 15)? Then Da,ud Khan and the diwan turned towards me, and said I must confirm to those gentlemen (the English) whatever Khwajah Ahmad had been ordered to report to them. Then, taking me aside privately, they told me to be sure and tell the said governor to come himself without fail, or send the two others of his council. They said we must both of us return to San Thome, showing thereby that they had no confidence in Khwajah Ahmad, and had no belief in his truthfulness.

When we arrived at Madras we went together to see the governor, and told him what the Mahomedans had charged us to say to him. To this he replied that he neither meant to go himself nor send any of his council. He declined to do so on several grounds, principally because neither the second nor the third, nor anyone else, could speak " Maure" (the language spoken by Mahomedans) . But he urged me earnestly to return to the general (Da,ud Khan) along with Khwajah Ahmad, and explain the reasons which hindered him from complying with his request. If he had any negotiations to make with him and his council, he could conduct them safely through Khwajah Ahmad as their qualified procurator.

The real reason why the governor declined to send anyone is that he feared the Mahomedans might oblige them by force to execute some writing, by which they undertook to be responsible for all piracies throughout the seas and on all the coasts of India. This is what they (the Mahomedans) had done at Surat to the other directors of the companies of France, Holland, and England. Or he feared they might be seized and constrained to pay considerable sums to recover their liberty. This was a customary enough act among the Mahomedans, and yet it would greatly injure their Company [...]

[Page 253] [...]As I was about to leave I perceived that things were approaching a rupture, whereupon I humbly besought them not to employ me in such thorny affairs. The intention of the two Mahomedans was to make use of me as mediator between the two parties. They had great faith in me because I spoke the language fairly well, and they imagined that without harming much the one or the other, I should deal with things to their advantage, and that in some degree I should adopt their side rather than the other.

Thus they laid before my eyes the great danger the English stood in of losing Madras. In so doing they somehow forgot that I, too, had been suckled in Europe as much as the English; that for the honour of my country and of all the other European nations, I was under greater obligation to them (the English) than I could possibly be to the Mahomedans. Under these circumstances I parted from them as civilly as I could, and on sufficiently good terms, in order to be able to advise the governor of what I thought best for his reputation and the defence of the town [...]

However, Da,ud Khan and the diwan, having come to the conclusion that the English were quite resolved on resistance, that the town was fairly strong and very well provided with artillery, and had a garrison of eight hundred seasoned soldiers, decided to send a message asking the governor to send me to San Thome. They were ready to discuss matters with me and settle the dispute to the advantage of the Company. In spite of some time having elapsed without my having seen the one or the other of the parties, the governor lost no time in sending me [...]

[Page 254] [...]Da,ud Khan wrote to the French at Pondicherry, the Dutch at Negapatam, and the Danes at Tranquebar, calling on them to send men and ships to help him against the English at Madras. These people, all of them, made excuses. While this was in progress attempts were made to appease the Mahomedans by pleasant words and making them limited promises. They were not thereby deterred from continuing their investment, although carrying it out less rigorously than at first; in fact, four Englishmen who had been made prisoners at San Thome by Da,ud Khan's orders, when on their [Page 255] way from Cuddalore, were now released and sent here (Madras), each being presented with a chaal (shawl) [...]

After I had arrived at San Thome I had a conversation with the said Monsieur Desprez. I found him very much troubled ; for never before, all his life long, had he been concerned in a similar business, and had never paid a visit to a Mahomedan of this rank. I gave him encouragement, and told him I would do all that was necessary to carry through the affairs of the Royal Company. I would accompany him on his visit to Da,ud Khan, the diwan, and the bakhshi, each one separately. This I did, and he was well received [Page 256] by these lords, who gave him many testimonies of the regard in which they held the French, and betrayed to him their pleasure at the French having sent to compliment them so very politely.

74.

Monsieur Desprez had brought a present for Da,ud Khan and one for the diwan, and never dreamt that the bakhshi would also require to be remembered. But I adjusted all that; I observed that there was enough in what he had brought to bear division into three parts; this I did. In this way they were highly contented, and he obtained his leave to depart after a very short delay. It took him only eight days to get through the business. When he said good-bye, the nawab and all the other principal officials requested him to assure his governor of their friendship [...]

Da,ud Khan sent to Monsieur Martin a very fine horse, valued at one thousand rupees, along with a costly set of robes; another set was given to the said Monsieur Desprez. The diwan and bakhshi also gave him a very good set each, and sent him off in a satisfactory manner [...]

In the year 1703 I received a letter from this Da,ud Khan, and another from the diwan Chaadetulacan (Sa'adatullah Khan), and several others from other lords. By these letters they entreated me to visit them, especially as they had much need of me. I began my journey on [Page 257] February 27 of the same year ( I 703) and found the said general at the town of Carpa (Cudapah, Karapa), distant one hundred and twenty leagues from Madras. [...]During the short time I was with their army I got no time to rest, for everybody pestered me, as their way is, for medicines, even those who had no need of them. They would say as a reason, " I have no appetite ; give me some medicine to make me eat like an elephant, or like a camel, or at any rate like a horse." And all these brute-like demands simply to have strength to slake their sensuality, for their minds are filled with, and they have no other diversion than, the desire to steal all they can, for no other object than the accomplishment of their carnal desires.

At the end of fifteen days they gave me leave to go, in an honourable manner, conferring on me a sarapa (set of robes) and enough money to pay the cost of my journey. These gentlemen gave me a letter for the governor of this place (Madras) conveying many thanks for having sent me, and they told him other details of my journey [...]

I arrived at Madras and carried out the orders that had been given to me. But the governor, Thomas Pitt, paid no heed to the message; for, having much experience, he knows perfectly the manners and customs of this kind of people. They seek continually fresh methods of capturing some money [...]

I noticed in this little journey that the country is full of hills, and that the roads are very narrow. Thus, had the inhabitants displayed any courage or valour, it would never have been possible for the Moguls, with all the forces at their command, to make themselves masters of it. I also beheld several ancient fortresses built by the Hindu princes of the Karnatik; for those who are nowadays in command on behalf of the Mogul had been warned of my approach, and invited me to visit them. Each one [Page 259] made me a present, such as some pieces of silk, some shawls,et cetera, and treated me most splendidly according to their fashion. It is true that they did not present these things to me for nothing, for in return I gave them such medicines as they wanted.

I noticed that these fortresses had not been designed by good architects or engineers. The works are (? weak)in spite of their walls being built of great hewn stones fixed in cement, and their being provided with hollows or ditches right round them. In some ditches there is a water-supply, in others none. The forts have also some pieces of artillery twenty to twenty-five feet long, of which the calibre is so extremely large that a big fat man can easily get inside. The greater number of these guns lie on the ground outside the fort gates. There are, in addition, a few inside in different positions. I also noticed some small pieces on the walls and bastions, carrying a ball of from one half- pound to three pounds' weight. They were mounted on heavy blocks of wood, without carriages or wheels, and their muzzles pointed into the air.

Their only use is to make a noise and smoke on the days when a new moon appears, or when it is intended to frighten someone ; for to go through any drill with them, or to teach how to aim them in one direction or another, that is an impossible thing. Nevertheless, the Mogul never omits to sanction the money necessary for efficiently providing all these fortresses, and sees that there are faithful officers in charge, such as Darroges (daroghah), Ammy (amin), and Morseg (mushrif) — that is to say (blank in the original). In addition there is a commandant at each fortified place. But the whole lot are thieves, and the places are kept like cow sheds [...][Page 260]

The fortress of Vellore is large and well built. It has lateral supporting walls, and the ditch is large, about fifty cubits in width, and filled by springs rising in it. The water is full of crocodiles, and if by misfortune anyone falls in, he is at once torn to pieces and eaten up by them. Out of curiosity I went quite close to the ditch ; these animals, seeing on the water the shadow of human beings, opened their jaws. I threw them a goat, which they tore to pieces at once and ate, snatching the pieces out of each other's jaws [...] [Page 261]

According to the custom of the country there come at times strange men who, as a sacrifice for their sins, throw themselves into this ditch. The Mahomedans often sacrifice buffaloes, cows, goats, et cetera, and all this forms the food of the crocodiles [...]

After Dã,ud Khãn had taken the fortress of Pilconda (Penukonda), as already stated , he came to San Thome in the month of November (1706). Before entering the town he rested for one day and one night in my house, situated at the foot of Monte Grande (the Great Mount), of which I have already spoken . I was unable to go out myself to meet him by reason of the heavy rain then falling [...]

[Page 264]The four above-mentioned gentlemen were mounted on handsome Arabian and Persian horses, while the doctor and I were in palanquins. During the march there went in front one hundred halberdiers, men of the country ; behind them were carried two flags, and after these marched sixty-two European soldiers, commanded by a sergeant. We went on and found Dã,ud Khãn in a large tent erected on the sea-shore, and fitted with carpets. He was seated on a small bedstead and clothed in simple raiment [...]

Upon giving us our leave he presented us each with an emerald ring worth two hundred rupees, and placed in the hands of Mester Rabart (Raworth) a jewel to be presented to the governor; it was worth five hundred rupees [...]

The next day the governor sent him a messenger, a person of standing, with many compliments, to say that he would expect him during his march. Dã,ud Khãn started, but half- way reflected that the English would never permit his entry with a number of retainers, and that some dispute might arise between the soldiers on both sides. Thus, stipulating with me to got his salute of guns from the city, he halted. He proposed going to a garden belonging to an English resident of that city, and sent word to the governor that from certain reasons he had changed his mind as to his visit [...][Page 265]

[Page 265] The banquet which had been prepared was carried to the garden along with several cases of good wine. When the meal was finished they made him a present of eight pieces of broad cloth of various colours, different pieces of silver plate, such as candlesticks, pãn-boxes, basins, inkstands, boxes, scent sprinklers,et cetera, two large mirrors in gilt frames, several chests of liqueurs, Persian wine and rose-water, a large quantity of dried fruit, almonds, walnuts, filberts, pistachios, apricots, et cetera, the whole amounting in cost to seven thousand rupees. The Nawãb, pleased and satisfied, resumed his journey, and passed six days in San Thome [...]

One day before his departure I went to take my leave. We then had a long conversation, and he expressed his approval of the liqueurs and cordials that on several occasions I had forwarded. I now [Page 266] presented some more. He gave me a present of a costly set of robes, and of three hundred and fifty rupees. He added that it was only a small sum, and must be made over to the little children in my house ; and he would not ask me to accompany him, so as to spare me the fatigue of the march, I being a man already getting on in years. He begged me to continue my friendship as before, and he would never forget me [...]

Two days after the departure of these French captains the marriage took place of the Lord Governor Martin's granddaughter to Monsieur Ardancour(Hardancourt), commissary and second councillor [...][Page 267] [...]

In the midst of this joyous intercourse there reached me almost at midnight a mounted orderly bearing a letter, which recalled me with all urgency to Pondicherry. I was wanted at once to treat the Lord Governor Martin, who was seriously ill [...][Page 273] [...] While returning one day from the garden of Khwãjah Qutb ud-din on the way to my house, I saw a carriage coming a long way off. It withdrew out of the direct road, and went down into the open fields. Seeing this manoeuvre, I assumed that it had moved out of the highway for fear I might do it some harm. I knew that in the carriage was a public dancing girl ; it was surrounded by fifteen pages, and followed by a horseman. Without taking time to reflect, I turned my steps with all possible speed towards the carriage, shouting to it to stop. It paid no attention, however, to my voice, but went on its way peacefully.

Seeing that I was not obeyed, I decided to make a display of courage, so I seized a stick, and, going up to the carriage, gave the pages several blows. Seeing that the game was not a joke, these men followed the example of the horseman, abandoned the carriage, and took to their heels. At that point I raised the cloth that covered the carriage, and saw the dancer. I gave her some abusive language, not forgetting, how ever, to keep my eyes open to see if any succour was on its way.

This precaution of mine was not uncalled for, since at this moment I saw afar off a troop of cavalry coming in my direction. I left the carriage at once, and directed my steps slowly towards the horsemen in question, while I adjusted my turban firmly on my head, and handled my sword to see that it would come easily out of the scabbard, just as if I was making ready for a fight, should I be opposed. During this interval I had drawn near the horsemen, making these preparations meanwhile. They now drew rein ; one of them, how [Page 274] ever, who was in advance, came on towards me. In spite of having his face half concealed, I could see he was a man of some age. When he was near me he spoke to me politely and modestly. However, I gave no answer to his words, and went on my way with my eye fixed steadily on the other horsemen, who were standing still. I believed they meant to bar my way. I was greatly mistaken, however, for on my passing quite close not a man of them said a thing to me.

The following day I made the same excursion, taking my lance with me this time. While I was in a plain of some size and fairly level, I saw the carriage of the previous day a little off the road guarded by some horsemen. I knew at once that these were the same men as before. Nevertheless, not to show I had any fear of them, I would not retrace my steps, but continued my journey, flourishing my lance about a bit until I was quite close to them. Then the elderly horseman, with the greatest politeness and a smiling face, asked the favour of speaking a word with me. Directly I heard the voice I stood still, and turning towards him the point of my lance, I asked what it was he wanted.

He answered modestly that he was the brother of Allahwirdí Khan, that he had fallen in love with this dancer, on which account the king had reduced his high pay. Out of love for her he endured all this hardship, and gave up everything. Therefore he asked me the favour of permitting him to go and come freely. Without changing my position I answered that I granted what he asked, on condition, however, of his throwing over the carriage a scarlet covering, so that I might identify it. He answered that he would do so, and went away after saying good-bye.

The man's name was Mirza Arjanj, brother of that Allahwirdí Khãn who betrayed Prince Shãh Shujã' when he delivered battle against Aurangzeb, as will [Page 275] have been already seen in my First Part . This Mirzã Arjanj , being resolute in not giving up the said dancer, was content that the king should take away two hundred horse from his command and leave him only ten, with twelve thousand rupees of yearly pay. He endeavoured to become friendly with me, but I declined to waste my time on him or put any trust in him.

One day, while I was out on one of the above excursions, I amused myself in those gardens for longer than usual, and night came on before I had half completed my journey. By the light of the moon, which was not very bright, I observed coming towards me some strings of camels and oxen laden with goods, guarded by some mounted soldiers. To afford myself a bit of a game, I drew my sword and charged them, with shouts of "Mora, mora !" (Mãro, Mãro ! ("Strike, strike !"). On hearing my cries all the men fled and abandoned the animals. When I had arrived quite close, and found there was no one there, I rode my horse in all directions, crying out that I was only joking. Moreover, I was no thief, therefore let them return and look after their animals. My voice was given to the winds, since no one appeared. I resumed my journey, and made for my house. Afterwards I learnt that it was the baggage of a viceroy, who was proceeding to his government of the province of Ajmer; but no one ever found out that it was I who had caused the stampede.

It is the custom in the Mogul country for the royal elephants, whether those meant for war or those which fight before the king, to be kept outside the city near the gardens. They stand in a field below some trees, they are bound with heavy chains, and their keepers live with them. I once went at night to tease these animals with fireworks. They broke their chains and rushed wildly over the fields, doing a great deal of damage. Next I received word that some cavalry soldiers had been posted on guard to seize [Page 276] the insolent intruder ; thus I forbore to molest the elephants any more. Just let the judicious reader imagine what would have been my punishment had I been taken, and into what disgrace I should have fallen. To-day, although now in old age, when I remember this and other similar escapades I committed, I never fail to sigh over them and grieve at my misdeeds [...]

78.

There was at the court of the prince Shãh 'Alam a European blood-letter who, when he entered the service, was granted two rupees a day, and after some years was raised in salary up to seven rupees a day. This was done by the influence of the chief physician, Muhammad Muqim, of whom I failed not to speak on other occasions. The blood-letter, finding the prince had a good opinion of him, and having by this time acquired a little money, made a most unreasonable demand from the prince to the detriment of the said physician. He said to the prince that Muhammad Muqim had an annual salary of over one hundred thousand rupees, besides the other great profits that he received. But Muqim was not any wiser than he, the European, was, and therefore he, too, was worth quite as much pay. The prince upon hearing this preposterous claim was much put out, but concealed the fact, and gave not a word of reply. The physician, Muhammad Muqim, heard of the affair by means of his friends. He was much annoyed, but made no sign, and did not betray his feelings in the least. [Page 278]

I had already been known in the empire for many years when I reached the court after the heavy loss of money in Portuguese territory of which I have already spoken. I was then much in need of money for my support. As soon as my arrival was heard of, I was at once invited by the prince and several of his princesses to accept service with him. The message was conveyed to me through a eunuch of some stand ing named Meccaian (? Miskln). To this proposal I replied that I would be really glad to accept the honour done to me by his Highness, but I must decline to accept his service unless the physician, Muhammad Muqim, conducted the negotiations with me. Thereupon it was at once ordered that he should present me to the prince, as is the custom [...]

[Page 284] [...]The first time that Shãh 'Alam had blood let by me I was summoned to the Maal (mahal), which means the palace, and went into the saral (sarae) — that is, seraglio. He showed me his arm, inquiring if his veins were visible, and asked if I should give him any pain when I drew the blood. When I heard this question, I took hold of his arm, and looking at it, said without a pause that the vein could be opened without the least difficulty, and he would be quite satisfied. I quickly tied his arm with a bandage of fine broad cloth without stretching the skin very much. As I took up my lancet to make the incision, he stopped me, and said I ought to stretch and rub the arm well, as other blood-letters did. I answered that his Highness need not be alarmed, that I knew what I was doing.

I took hold of the arm again, and at once made the incision, opening the vein without going so deep as other practitioners do, by which practice some days must be passed without being able to move the arm. What I noticed on this occasion was that the prince betrayed signs of fear, turning away his face until the blood had been taken. It is customary to keep ready for these occasions a set of silver scales and weights; the basin for receiving the blood is also of silver [...]

79.

When I gave an order to my servant to take charge of the said rupees, the insolent eunuch said to me : " It seems to me you could never have had as much money in all your life." At once I took the salver and emptied out on the ground all the money in it in the presence of the gate-keepers, telling them I made them a present of it. Then I turned to the eunuch : "Do you not know that I am the son of the chief physician of the King of Spain, who is lord over half the world and owns the mines of silver ? My father, being tired and in a hurry, on one occasion missed the vein ; but, seeing that the king required to be bled, he made another stroke, and hit the right place. In spite of this my father was so sorrowful for the error he had committed that the consolation offered by the king had no effect upon him. Therefore, out of the love he bore him, and in the hope of restoring him to happiness, the king gave him a town as large as the town of Sihrind, together with a galleon laden with silver, which had just reached the port of Cadiz. Out of these revenues and moneys my father sends me twenty-four thousand rupees for my expenses, since the pay I receive from this court barely suffices for the expenditure in my kitchen."

All this I did and said solely to the end that it should not be thought I was needy, and also to let them know my lofty way of looking at things [...][Page 286] [...]

Another mysterious thing happened to me when I first drew blood from the wife of the prince, called Nurnixam (Nur-un nissã) Begam. The lady thrust her arm out from the curtain, as is the custom, and holding my lancet, I moved forward to open the basilic vein. I was still at a distance of six inches from the arm, when suddenly the princess turned round and threw up her arm violently towards the lancet — I know not whether through fear, or simply in changing the position of her body. The instrument went into the basilic vein, and blood flowed [...] [Page 289] [...]

On December 15 in the year 1706 it was the pleasure of the Divine Power to remove from this world my wife, with whom I had lived more than twenty years.